Хорхе Элиэсер Гайтан: Колумбиялық саясатшы және либералдық партияның көшбасшысы

20th century Colombian politician and Liberal Party leader

Jorge Eliécer Gaitán Ayala (23 January 1903 – 9 April 1948) was a left wing Colombian politician and leader of the Liberal Party. He served as the mayor of Bogotá from 1936–37, the national Education Minister from 1940–41, and the Labor Minister from 1943–44. He was assassinated during his second presidential campaign in 1948, setting off the Bogotazo and leading to a violent period of political unrest in Colombian history known as La Violencia (approx. 1948 to 1958). His ideas, known as Gaitanismo, are seen as a form of liberal socialism in Colombia.

Born in Bogotá to parents who were rank and file members of the Liberal Party, Gaitán and his family had a tenuous hold in the middle class. His birth date is given variously as 1898 and 1903. Gaitán was born in a house in Las Cruces, a neighborhood situated in the center of Bogotá, Colombia. The house has a plaque commemorating Gaitán as a legendary caudillo. Gaitán had a humble upbringing and he was exposed to poverty growing up in a neighborhood in the center of Bogotá called Egipto. Though he lived under these circumstances, he was the son of parents with white collar occupations. His parents were Eliécer Gaitán and Manuela Ayala de Gaitán. His father was a history teacher, sold second hand books, and was a journalist. In reading tales about Colombian history throughout his childhood, his father garnered Gaitán's interest in Colombian culture and politics. Manuela Ayala de Gaitán, a graduate from a teaching institute, taught her son to read and write. Her liberal and feminist tendencies ostracized her from many social environments, but she eventually taught at a school where her views were not persecuted. Gaitán's mother held great respect to higher education and encouraged her son to pursue it. However, Gaitán's father wanted him to work a practical job. He did not want him to pursue higher education, which became a contentious topic that strained their father son relationship. Through his student leadership roles and intellectual ambitions, Gaitán shaped his dreams of becoming Colombian President to combat political, social, and economic inequality. Gaitán transferred from Colegio Araújo because it did not possess the necessary accreditations to ensure success in his academic and career ambitions. Gaitán graduated as one of the top students in his new school, Colegio of Martín Restrepo Mejía in 1919.

Gaitán was active in politics in the early 1920s, when he was part of a protest movement against the president Marco Fidel Suárez. Gaitán increased his nationwide popularity following a banana workers' strike in Magdalena in 1928. After US officials in Colombia, along with United Fruit representatives, portrayed the worker's strike as "communist" with "subversive tendency," in telegrams to the US Secretary of State, the US government threatened to invade with the US Marine Corps if the Colombian government did not act to protect United Fruit's interests. Strikers were fired upon by the army on the orders of the United Fruit Company, which resulted in numerous deaths. Gaitán used his skills as a lawyer and as an emerging politician in order to defend workers' rights and called for accountability to those involved in the Santa Marta Massacre. The writer Harry Bernstein considered that the promises that he made to the people were as important to his appeal as his impressive public speaking skills, promises that Bernstein felt made him almost a demagogue and led Bernstein to compare him with Juan Perón of Argentina. In particular, he repeatedly divided the country into the oligarchy and the people and called the former corrupt and the latter admirable, worthy, and deserving of Colombia's moral restoration. He stirred the audience's emotions by aggressively denouncing social, moral and economical evils stemming both from the Liberal and Conservative Parties and promised his supporters that a better future was possible if they all worked together. In 1946, Gaitán referred to the difference between what he called the "political country" and the "national country". Accordingly, the "political country" was controlled by the interests of the oligarchy and its internal struggles and do did not properly respond to the real demands of the "national country" of citizens in need of better socioeconomic conditions and greater sociopolitical freedom. He was criticized by the more orthodox sectors of the Colombian Liberal Party, which considered him too unruly, most of the Colombian Conservative Party; and the leadership of the Colombian Communist Party, which saw him as a competitor for the political affections of the masses. Gaitán was warned by US Ambassador Beaulac on 24 March 1948 that Communists were planning a disruption of the impending conference and that his Liberal Party would likely be blamed. The subject of future land reform was also prominent in some of his speeches.

The Gaitanista Program is an elaboration of Gaitán's political, social, and economic missions for Colombia. The socialist program found in the Plataforma del Colón and Plan Gaitán detailed reforms developed in his earlier works, which include "Socialist Ideas in Colombia" and the "Manifesto of Unirismo" The aims of the program were to reform the Colombian system, which was believed to foster a political and economic monopoly for the elite in the republic. The reforms were designed to broaden the reach of state governance by incentivizing political participation among actors such as farmers, peasants, and middle and lower class citizens. That would have been done by forming development agencies under the fundamental belief that economic democracy was nonexistent in Colombian society. The "Plataforma de Colón" included various provisions designed to reduce the levels of income inequality in Colombia through fortification of the production force. This was to be achieved through national protection of Colombian industries, progressive tax reforms intended to efficiently distribute wealth, financial support for agricultural development, and nationalization of public services. In addition to these reforms, the platform extended proposals to specializing education for wider accessibility, redistributing land, enhancing labor protest laws, and heightening the legal codes of the judiciary. The foreign policy outlooks of the platform intended to inaugurate a conference to create an economic union among different nation states in Latin America. "Plan Gaitán" was a more comprehensive proposal for the creation of institutions dealing with specific issue areas. One of the major focus areas was the Colombian Central Bank. The plan strived to expand the Central Bank's capabilities of regulating the financial market. This meant the bank needed more powerful mechanisms of controlling the private sector such as implementing a Directing council. The reforms also included the ability to grant credit, as well as act as a reserve. The plan also focused on creating the Colombian Corporation of Credit, Development, and Savings. This would be divided into three different sectors: The Institute of Credit, Institute of Development, and the Institute of Saving. The Institute of Credit was proposed to afford loans to industrial and agricultural firms. The Gaitanista program encompassed the populist ideals Gaitán advocated for during the final years of his life. His ambitions to fortify democracy and the economy of Colombia through what was seen as anti imperialist and anti plutocratic. According to one version, Roa Sierra acted under the orders of CIA agents John Mepples Spirito (alias Georgio Ricco) and Tomás Elliot, as part of an anti leftist plan that was supposedly called Operation Pantomime. It is claimed that it would also have involved the complicity of the then Chief of Police, who would allegedly have ordered two police officers to abandon Juan Roa Sierra to be killed by the mob, a claim that conflicts with mainstream accounts of Roa Sierra's death. An eyewitness to the actual events, Guillermo Pérez Sarmiento, Director of the United Press in Colombia, stated that upon his arrival Roa was already "between two policemen" and describes in detail the angry mob that kicked and "tore him to pieces" and does not suggest any police involvement. Another theory states that Juan Roa simply got tired and disenchanted of lobbying Jorge Eliécer Gaitán to get a job. He had a history of job instability and considered that he could get a position worthy of his status as a reincarnation of Santander and Quesada. He had an initial conversation with Jorge Eliécer and was advised to write a letter to the President, which he did, but still did not get a job. After that, he had visited Jorge Eliécer Gaitán's office several times in the two months prior to the assassination. The revolver was purchased two days before the assassination and the ammunition the day before. It was only on his last visit, on 9 April, when the secretary finally wrote his name to be considered by Jorge Eliécer. Other details which have interested historians and researchers include the fact that Gaitán was murdered in the middle of the 9th Pan American Conference, which was being led by U. S. Secretary of State George Marshall, a meeting which led to a pledge by members to fight communism in the Americas, as well as the creation of the Organization of American States. Another event in the country's capital Bogotá was taking place at the time: a Latin American Youth Congress, organized to protest the Pan American conference. This meeting was organized by a young Fidel Castro, and was funded by Perón. Castro had an appointment to meet Gaitán, whom he very much admired, later in the afternoon on the day of his murder, and had also met with Gaitán two days earlier. It appears that Gaitán was contemplating supporting this conference. Gaitán commanded large audiences when he spoke and was one of the most influential men in the country. The assassination provoked a violent riot known as the Bogotazo (loose translation: the sack of Bogotá, or shaking of Bogotá), and a further ten years of violence during which at least 300,000 people died (a period known as La Violencia). Some writers say that this event influenced Castro's views about the viability of an electoral route for political change. Also in the city that day was another young man who would become a giant of 20th century Latin American history: Colombian writer and Nobel Prize Laureate Gabriel García Márquez. A young law student and short story writer at the time, García Márquez was eating lunch near the scene of the assassination. He arrived on the scene shortly after the shooting and witnessed the murder of Gaitán's presumed assassin at the hands of enraged bystanders. García Márquez discusses this day at vivid length in the first volume of his memoirs, Living to Tell the Tale. In his book, he describes a well dressed man who eggs on the mob before fleeing in a luxurious car that arrived just as the presumed assassin was being dragged away. A fictionalized account of the final days of the assassin's life and of a possible conspiracy leading up to the assassination were presented in the 2013 feature film Roa.