Сарид Танарат: Тайланд премьер-министрі және әскери төңкеріс жасаушы

Prime Minister of Thailand from 1959 to 1963

Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat (also spelt Dhanarajata; สฤษดิ์ ธนะรัชต์, ; 16 June 1908 – 8 December 1963) was a Thai general who staged a coup in 1957, replacing Plaek Phibunsongkhram as Thailand's prime minister until Sarit died in 1963. He was born in Bangkok, but grew up in his mother's home town in Isan speaking northeastern Thailand and considered himself from Isan. His father, Major Luang Ruangdetanan (birth name Thongdi Thanarat), was a career army officer best known for his translations into Thai of Cambodian literature. He had partial Chinese ancestry. As a colonel, he played a leading role in the 1947 military coup that overthrew the government of Prime Minister Thawal Thamrong Navaswadhi, a protege of Pridi Phanomyong, reinstalling the previously deposed Field Marshal Luang Phibunsongkram as premier. Sarit thereafter took a lasting interest in politics.

In 1957, one of Isan's worst droughts occurred. It prompted a mass exodus of people from the northeast to Bangkok, which led to social problems. The government seemed to regard this diaspora as natural and said that it could neutralize peasant discontent. The Minister of Agriculture, Field Marshal Phin Choonhavan, said that northeasterner's migration to the city and their consumption of frogs and lizards was normal and that there was nothing to worry about. At Hua Lamphong railway station in Bangkok, there were so many refugees arriving daily that students and monks had to set up emergency help stations. On 10 August, the Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Phin, was sent by helicopter to survey the Isan region where he found nothing amiss. A second survey, also done by air, was published and again indicated that there was no crisis in Isan as all the land was in acceptable condition. In a final attempt to resolve the issue, the Phibun government allocated 53 million baht, which was to be divided equally among the 53 Isan representatives.

Before the government could recover from its inept management of the Isan crisis, its integrity was once again questioned. Thailand was loaned US$66 million for the Bhumibol Dam, a dam 154 meters high on the Ping River in Tak. The project was to take six years and had to pay for itself after completion. Many MPs were against the loan as it came immediately after the Isan famine. Out of respect for the king, the plan for the dam was not rejected. Things further escalated when Thiem Khomrit, Director General of the Forestry Department, was forced to resign and was charged with administrative incompetence. Enraged by the charges, Thiem went to the press to reveal the real reason for his dismissal. According to Thiem, his refusal to approve the government's application was the cause of his dismissal.

On 13 September 1957, Sarit handed Phibun the army's ultimatum. The ultimatum, signed by 58 army officers, called for the resignation of the government. The public supported Sarit's ultimatum. On 15 September, a public gathering assembled to protest Phibun and his government. The crowd, which quickly grew in numbers, marched to Sarit's residence to show support for the army's demands. As Sarit was not at home, the crowd broke into the government compound where they made speeches condemning the government. The protesters later returned to Sarit's home where he was waiting to address them. In his speech, Sarit said, "In the name of the army and deputies of the second category, I have conducted my activities based on popular will, and the interests of the people — your coming here gives me moral support to continue." The following morning, Sarit and his army staged a coup d'etat. In less than an hour, the army successfully captured strategic points with no resistance. To identify themselves, Sarit's forces wore white arm bands as a sign of purity. Following these developments, Phibun immediately fled the country and Phao was deported to Europe. Thus began Sarit's rule.

According to many Western academics, the Cold War largely propped up Sarit's regime. In his book, Daniel Fineman states that Phibun, and later Sarit, aligned their foreign policies with US anti communist foreign policy, so as to receive financial and military aid. Sarit's strict stance against communism further reinforced the US belief that only the Thai military could contain the communist threat. In contrast, Likhit Dhiravegin stresses that the notion of phokho (patriarchal rule) from the Sukhothai Kingdom and devaraja (god–king) and sakdina (dignity marks) from the Ayutthaya Kingdom are essential in understanding modern Thai politics. Likhit's analysis shows how Sarit combined paternalistic rule from the Sukothai (phokhun) with Ayuthaya's despotic power to create his personal political style. According to Thak, Luang Wichit Wathakan was essential in moulding the leadership principles of Phibun and Sarit. and families living in the water scarce Bangkok Thonburi area were given 300 large buckets of water free every month. To help the needy, the Revolutionary Council ordered the municipal government to abolish certain taxes, charges for official service, and license fees. Hospitals were ordered to give out free medicine and healthcare to the poor, while student nurses and social workers were instructed to make house calls to help with child delivery and health problems. To lower food prices, Sarit ordered the opening of new markets modeled after the Sunday flea markets at Sanam Luang. Merchants could sell their goods directly to the public instead of going through middlemen, thus reducing food prices. Participating merchants only had to pay nominal fee. Sarit also lowered the price of iced black coffee, a popular beverage among locals, from 70 satang per glass to 50 satang per glass. (To evade this, merchants served the coffee in smaller glasses, added less coffee, or more ice into the beverage. Thais were then forced to order the "special" coffee which was the original coffee at the original price). The Association of Rice Merchants agreed to lower their rice prices in the stores they controlled. In a bid to show that everyone was participating in the revolution, the navy was called on by Sarit to provide cheap coconuts to be sold to the public. Even though many of these programs did not last long or were not implemented, their announcements helped to create an atmosphere of enthusiasm for the new government.

Soon after the coup, Sarit ordered the arrest and reformation of hooligans (anthaphan). According to the Revolutionary Council's Proclamation No. 21, anthaphan were the bane of the society and to maintain common people's happiness, there was a need to get rid of them. Those with long hair, flashy clothing, and tight pants, in fashion at the time, were also targeted. Weekly dances at Lumpini Garden were banned, and rock and roll music was prohibited from government parties. Upon the release of the victims, Sarit said that he did not hate them, but his actions were necessary for the "family". Prostitution was also considered as a menace to society. Sarit ordered all arrested prostitutes be reformed by sending them to institutions which would equip them with new skills. He also passed the Law Against Prostitution, B. E. 2503.

Sarit was determined to end the consumption and sale of opium in Thailand for several reasons. First, he wanted to illustrate to the people that he did not intend to gain from the opium trade, unlike his predecessor Phao. Second, he wanted to please the Western powers who believed that the drug was used by communists to undermine the morals and economy of democratic countries. except in cases when it did not. Article 17 of the Interim Constitution of Thailand, B. E. 2502 or " M17" was the legal basis for Sarit to order executions. Using M17, parliament was abolished, newspapers were strictly censored, political parties were prohibited, and people who were suspected of colluding with communists were imprisoned. From 1958 to 1963, eleven people were executed under M17. Five were given death penalty for arson, one for heroin production, one for spearheading a messianic uprising, and four on charges of communism, including the activist and former MP Khrong Chandawong. The Revolutionary Council Proclamation No. 12, dated 22 October 1958, gave investigating authorities the power to detain suspects as long as needed. Many of those persecuted were not communists, but rather writers or intellectuals who opposed Sarit's rule. Under the proclamation, an estimated 1,000 suspects were imprisoned. Thak suggests that Sarit's strict rule can be understood as the modern phokhun style of leadership, where the benevolent leader intervenes to help his people. The strength of Sarit's relationship with King Bhumibol was evident when the king ordered 21 days of official mourning in the palace after his death, with Sarit's body lying in state under royal patronage for 100 days and the king and queen attending his cremation on 17 March 1964.

After Sarit's death, his reputation took a blow when an inheritance battle between his son, Major Setha Thanarat, and his last wife, Thanpuying Vichitra Thanarat, revealed the massive extent of Sarit's wealth, which totaled over US$100 million. Besides sitting on the boards of 22 companies, he was discovered to have owned a trust company, a brewery, 51 cars, and 30 plots of land, most of which he gave to his dozens of mistresses. Thai language newspapers published the names of 100 women who claimed to have shared his bed, shocking the public when his corruption was uncovered.