Sociology of terrorism

Academic field that seeks to understand terrorism

Sociology of terrorism is a field of sociology that seeks to understand terrorism as a social phenomenon. The field defines terrorism, studies why it occurs and evaluates its impacts on society. The sociology of terrorism draws from the fields of political science, history, economics and psychology. The sociology of terrorism differs from critical terrorism studies, emphasizing the social conditions that enable terrorism. It also studies how individuals as well as states respond to such events.

The sociology of terrorism field views terrorism as a "social construction." Defining terrorism involves interpreting events and determining causes. This definition process and the resulting presentation to the public can manipulate public perceptions and promote certain interests. The field states that this type of violence, as a social behavior, relies on communication, shared and competing norms and values, and levels of social and self restraints. Terrorists are seen to have emerged from societies where radical norms and values proved more influential.

After the September 11 attacks, researchers became more interested in various sociological traditions related to terrorism, like moral panic, organizational response and media coverage, and counter terrorism. The most comprehensive study on the definition of terrorism comes from Weinberg, Pedahzur and Hirsch Hoefler (2004) who examined 73 definitions of terrorism from 55 articles and concluded that terrorism is "a politically motivated tactic involving the threat or use of force or violence in which the pursuit of publicity plays a significant role." However, Weinberg et al. point out that definitions of terrorism often ignore symbolic aspects of terrorism. Sociology has a unique vantage point to assess terror due to its focus on symbolism.

Since the September 11 attacks, Mathieu Deflem (University of South Carolina), S. E. Costanza (Central Connecticut State University) and John C. Kilburn Jr. (Texas A&M International University) are among the sociologists to call for the development of a sub field in sociology related to terrorism. Common topics that are part of the discourse in the sociology of terrorism include: military spending, counter terrorism, immigration, privacy issues, and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, where within these contexts questions of power, the definition of terrorism, propaganda, nationality, the media, etc. are being deliberated upon. Also, an imputed link between religion and terrorism became another hot topic among sociologists and social psychologists.

Researchers have proposed different focus areas to guide the sociological study of terrorism. Much terrorism research focuses on preventing and reacting to terrorism events. Turk and Tosini highlight the importance of defining terrorism. Turk explains that how parties define terrorism impacts a public's understanding of terrorism. Background information included religion, nationality, or politics and the motivation for the act. Huff and Kertzer argue that the media and public figures control the type of background information provided to the public. It also examined interactions between first responders (police, rescue teams, etc.) and communities. Ramirez, Hoopes and Quinlan (2003) rightly predicted that police organizations would change fundamental styles of profiling people and police agencies would alter their mission statements after the September 11 attacks. There is strong reason to believe that even the smallest of local police agencies are apt to feel some kind of pressure to deal with the issue of terrorism. Some sociologists and legal scholars have contemplated the potential consequences of aggressive (or militaristic) policing of terror threats that may have negative implications for human rights which are of great interest to sociologists as a matter of social justice. For instance, in a peer reviewed article Crouching tiger or phantom dragon? Examining the discourse on global cyber terror, Helms, Costanza and Johnson (2011) ask if it is possible that media hype at the national level could prompt an unnecessary and systemic over pursuit of cyberterrorism. They warn that such overreaction might lead to a "killswitch" policy which could give the federal government ultimate power over the internet.

More recent work in the sociology of terrorism field is philosophical and reflective and has focused on issues such as moral panic and over spending after the September 11 attacks. Costanza and Kilburn (2005), in an article entitled Symbolic Security, Moral Panic and Public Sentiment: Toward a sociology of Counterterrorism argued that the issue of symbolism is of much importance to understanding the war on terror. Using a classic symbolic interactionist perspective, they argue that strong public sentiment about the homeland security issue has driven policy more to superficial threats than real and concrete threats. Others argue that symbolism has led to agency a policy of “hypervigilance” in agency decision making that is costly and untestable.

Despite the quantitative lean of modern sociology; Kilburn, Costanza, Borgeson and Metchik (2011) point out that there are several methodological barbs to effectively and scientifically assessing the effect of homeland security measures. In traditional criminology, the most quantitatively amenable starting point for measuring the effectiveness of any policing strategy (i. e., neighborhood watch, gun control, foot patrols, etc.) is to assess total financial costs against clearance rates or arrest rates. Since terrorism is such a rare event phenomena, measuring arrests would be a naive way to test policy effectiveness. Another methodological problem in the development of sociology of terrorism as a sub field is one of finding operational measures for key concepts in the study of homeland security. Both terrorism and homeland security are relatively new concepts for social scientists, and academicians have yet to agree on the matter of how to properly conceptualize these ideas.

Functionalism is “the theory that various social institutions and processes in society exists to serve some important (or necessary) function to keep society running.” This sociological perspective draws on the work of sociologists like Émile Durkheim, and gets its name from the idea that the best way to study society is to identify the roles that different aspects of society play. Social deviance, loosely understood, can be taken to mean any "transgression of socially established norms." This can range from the minor–slamming a door in someone's face–to the major–a terrorist act. Thus terrorism is a deviant behavior. Functionalism sees terrorism–which is a form of crime–as a temporary deviation from the normal goings on of society, and is in a way functional to society. A sociologist that utilizes structural functionalism would explain the existence of any social phenomena by the function they perform. Therefore, terrorism is functional because it joins individuals together in opposition, and brings a sense of belonging to the group opposing it. This feeling of group solidarity would help prevent anomie, which is the stage where people do not need to follow any norms of society in order to survive in society. Another earlier classical use of functional analysis can also be found when applying Emile Durkheims' classic book on The Division of Labor. In it, the earliest and simplified societies were characterized as being based on mechanical solidarity and ascribed status orientation – whereas, modern societies were based on organic solidarity and achieved status orientation. This rapid transition from mechanical solidarity towards organic solidarity is often seen as something negative among more traditional/ fundamentalist sub groups who preferred an ascribed oriented (religion, class, race, sex segregated) over an achieved status (individual, merit, performance,) oriented society based on organic solidarity. In short, examples might be forms of religious fundamentalism and the emergence of violent terrorist groups e. g., Boko Haram, ISIS, which are examples of anti modern counter movements being unable to fit in this functionally differentiated society which brings about more social complexity, secularization, and individualization. For example, the terrorist group located in Nigeria known as Boko Haram believes girls should not be permitted to go to school and should be forced into a fixed ascribed status rather than an open/achieved status oriented society where all have the same opportunity to school and achieve success regardless of their gender.

An example of utilizing a functionalist or Durkheimian approach towards explaining the social phenomenon of modern terrorism is sometimes made by going back to Durkheims' original study of suicide in France and applying the different types of suicide types (Egoistic, Altruistic, Anomic) to similar forms of suicidal terrorism types. A more contemporary example of this theoretical application of Durheimian thinking is visible in a book chapter written by Sociologist Mahmoud Sadri who applies these suicide types to suicidal homicides whether they are egoistic, altruistic, or anomic and their visible frequency in both western and non western cultural domains. According to the Chapter written by Mahmoud Sadri, in western and non western cultures, egoistic suicidal homicides often resemble suicide pacts or simple murder suicides, whereas altruistic suicidal homicides which are found in western and non western cultures might consist of suicide missions, ideological suicide missions, or acts of Terrorism (Ex: Kamikaze attacks). Finally, anomic suicidal homicides also frequently produce acts of terrorism in both western and non westerns cultures and likely involve mass suicide pacts or mass murder suicides (in Western cultures, for example, Columbine Murders, Heaven's Gate, Jonestown or Branch Davidian mass suicides, while in non Western cultures, for example, ISI of Pakistan; PKK or activities endorsed by the PMO). A conflict theorist generally sees that the control of conflict equals the ability of one group to suppress the group that they are opposing, and that civil law is a technique of defining and maintaining a social order that benefits some at the expense of others. Conflict theorists view terrorism as a reaction to injustice, which is probably created in the minds of terrorists due to misguidance, illiteracy, or unrealistic goals, and that violent behaviors expressed by terrorist organizations are the result of individual frustration, aggression or showing a readiness to fight. The majority of terrorist acts are committed by people that are religious. In 83% of the suicide attackers worldwide, between 1980 and 2003, 43% were identifiably religious. Terrorists use violence because they believe that if they did not use violence they would lose a power struggle, which lead many conflict theorists to view it as a weapon of the weak. In Iraq, between March 2003 and February 2006, 443 suicide missions took place with 71% belonging to al Qaeda. They justified their actions in religious terms; viewing the Shi'a control of Iraq as abandoning religious principles. Terror establishments of Pakistan have been formally used by the state since its inception. This exemplifies that terrorism cannot be simply explained as disoriented groups seeking to express or win over certain rights from a state, as it is the state which itself who funds and supports such groups in international terrorism activism. Suicide attacks against the Iraqi regime and its American and British supporters were seen as the means in which to accomplish this. Yet it was only under certain political conditions that suicide bombings spiked. The first condition being that it was in relation with the counterinsurgency of the American and British militaries. The second being a strategic response to the Shi'a control becoming more stabilized in Iraq. In symbolic interactionism, face to face interaction creates the social world. Individuals act on perceived meanings that appear to be self constituting. Group membership is one of the major determinations if individual interpretations of reality, which enables symbolic interactionism to explain crime, and thus terrorism. Deviance, which terrorism falls under, can be explained by labeling theory. Labeling theory is “the belief that individuals subconsciously notice how others see or label them, and their reactions to those labels, over time, form the basis of their self identity." Social groups create rules about what is acceptable behavior for people in society. When a rule is broken, society determines if the act was deviant. A person can only become deviant after a social reaction to an act committed is labeled deviant, and that original act is referred to as the primary deviance. Being labeled deviant causes a person to see themselves as deviants, which leads to said person performing more deviant acts, with each act being referred to as secondary deviance. Secondary deviance can quickly turn into a stigma, which is a label that changes the way people see someone, and how individuals view themselves According to symbolic interactionism, terrorism is treated as learned behaviors. Each person learns how to commit terrorism through interactions with terrorists. Involvement in the group is important in the learning process, and members, upon joining, are resocialized to the group's version of reality. The best way to accomplish this is to involve new members in terrorist acts, which leads the terrorist organization to become the only reference point for its members.