История логики в Китае: от Мо-цзы до современности

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Formal logic in China has a special place in the history of logic due to its length of and relative isolation to the strong ancient adoption and continued current of development of the study of logic in Europe, India, and the Islamic world.

Although Daoist skeptics such as Zhuang Zhou agreed with the Mohist perspective about object relations regarding similarities and differences, they did not consider language to be sufficiently precise to provide a constant guide of action.

During the subsequent Qin dynasty, the rule of Legalism repressed this Mohist line of investigation, which has been said to have disappeared in China until the introduction of Indian philosophy and Indian logic by Buddhists. A prominent scholar suggests that the version assembled for the Imperial Library of the Han dynasty would probably have been as disorganised as the current extant text, and thus would have only been 'intermittently intelligible', as it is for current readers who do not consult a critical edition. Disagreeing with Hajime Nakamura, Graham argues the school of Neo Taoism maintained some interest in the Canons, although they may already have some of the terminology difficult to understand. Before the end of the Sui dynasty, a shortened version of Mozi appeared, which appears to have replaced the Han edition. Although the original Mozi had been preserved in the Taoist, and became known once more in the 1552 Lu edition and 1553 Tang edition, the damage was done: the dialectical chapters (as well as the military chapters) were considered incomprehensible. Nevertheless, with the rise of Chinese critical textual scholarship, the book benefited from explanatory and critical commentaries: first, by Bi Yuan, and his assistant, Sun Xingyan; another commentary by Wang Chong, which has not survived; 'the first special study', by Zhang Huiyan; a republication of Part B by Wu Rulun. However, the summit of this late imperial scholarship, according to Graham, was the 'magnificent' commentary of Sun Yirang, which 'threw open the sanctum of the Canons to all comers.

The study of logic in China was revived following the transmission of Buddhism in China, which introduced the Buddhist logical tradition that began in Indian logic. Buddhist logic has been often misunderstood by scholars of Chinese Buddhism because they lack the necessary background in Indian logic.

In 1631, Li Zhizao and Francisco Furtado published an abridged translation of a commentary on Aristotle's logic published by the University of Coimbra. In 1886, Joseph Edkins published the Chinese translation of Jevons's Elementary Lessons in Logic. In 1905, Yan Fu published the translation of J. S. Mill's A System of Logic. In the early 1930s, the Department of Philosophy of Tsinghua University was the center of philosophical study. Many of the scholars at Tsinghua University at the time were strongly influenced by Russell, who visited China in 1920. Outside of the PRC, Hao Wang, a mathematical logician who was a close friend of Gödel, and Mou Zongsan, one of the new Confucian scholars and a translator of Ludwig Wittgenstein's Tractatus Logico Philosophicus were active. Within the PRC, dialectical logic was actively discussed during the Cultural Revolution period, while mathematical logic stagnated. However, in 1979, after the Cultural Revolution, the Chinese Association of Logic was established with Jin Yuelin as the first chairman and studies of mathematical logic began.