Экспедиция "Quest": Последнее путешествие Шеклтона в Антарктиду

1921–22 expedition to Antarctica

The Shackleton–Rowett Expedition (1921–22) was Sir Ernest Shackleton's last Antarctic project, and the final episode in the Heroic Age of Antarctic Exploration. The venture, financed by John Quiller Rowett, is sometimes referred to as the Quest Expedition after its ship Quest, a converted Norwegian sealer. Shackleton had originally intended to go to the Arctic and explore the Beaufort Sea, but this plan was abandoned when the Canadian government withheld financial support; Shackleton thereupon switched his attention to the Antarctic. Quest, smaller than any recent Antarctic exploration vessel, soon proved inadequate for its task, and progress south was delayed by its poor sailing performance and by frequent engine problems. Before the expedition's work could properly begin, Shackleton died on board the ship, just after its arrival at the sub Antarctic island of South Georgia. The major part of the subsequent attenuated expedition was a three month cruise to the eastern Antarctic, under the leadership of the party's second in command, Frank Wild. The shortcomings of Quest were soon in evidence: slow speed, heavy fuel consumption, a tendency to roll in heavy seas, and a steady leak. The ship was unable to proceed further than longitude 20°E, well short of its easterly target, and its engine's low power coupled with its unsuitable bows was insufficient for it to penetrate southward through the pack ice. Following several fruitless attempts, Wild returned the ship to South Georgia, on the way visiting Elephant Island where he and 21 others had been stranded after the sinking of the ship Endurance, during Shackleton's Imperial Trans Antarctic Expedition six years earlier. Wild had thoughts of a second, more productive season in the ice, and took the ship to Cape Town for a refit. Here, in June 1922, he received a message from Rowett ordering the ship home to England, so the expedition ended quietly. The Quest voyage is not greatly regarded in the histories of polar exploration, due to the event that defines it in public memory, overshadowing its other activities: Shackleton's untimely death.

Shackleton returned to Britain from the Endurance expedition in late May 1917, while World War I was under way. Many of his men enlisted promptly upon their return. Too old to enlist, Shackleton nevertheless sought an active role in the war effort, and eventually departed for Murmansk with the temporary army rank of major, as part of the North Russia intervention. Shackleton expressed his dissatisfaction with this role in letters home: "I feel I am no use to anyone unless I am outfacing the storm in wild lands." He returned to England in February 1919 and began plans to set up a company that would, with the cooperation of the North Russian Government, develop the natural resources of the region. This scheme came to nothing, as the Red Army took control of that part of Russia during the Russian Civil War; to provide himself with an income, Shackleton had to rely on the lecture circuit. During the winter of 1919–20 he lectured twice a day, six days a week, for five months.

Despite the large debts still outstanding from the Endurance expedition, Shackleton's mind turned towards another exploration venture. This area of the Arctic Ocean, to the north of Alaska and west of the Canadian Arctic Archipelago, was largely unexplored; Shackleton believed, on the basis of tidal records, that it contained large undiscovered land masses that "would be of the greatest scientific interest to the world, apart from the possible economic value". In March 1920, his plans received the general approval of the Royal Geographical Society and were supported by the Canadian government. On this basis Shackleton set about acquiring the necessary funding, which he estimated at £50,000. Later that year, Shackleton met by chance an old school friend, John Quiller Rowett, who agreed to put up a nucleus of cash to get Shackleton started. With this money, in January 1921, Shackleton purchased the wooden Norwegian whaler Foca I together with other equipment, and began the process of hiring of a crew. Shackleton was required to rethink his plans, and decided to sail for the Antarctic instead. A varied programme of exploration, coastal mapping, mineral prospecting and oceanographic research in the Southern Ocean would replace the abandoned Beaufort Sea venture. By June 1921, the latter plan had expanded to include a circumnavigation of the Antarctic continent and the mapping of around 2,000 miles (3,200 km) of uncharted coastline. It would also encompass a search for "lost" or wrongly charted sub Antarctic islands (including Dougherty Island, Tuanaki, and the Nimrod Islands), and would investigate possible mineral resources to be exploited in these rediscovered lands. A scientific research program would include a visit to Gough Island, and an investigation of a possible "underwater continental connection between Africa and America." Shackleton's biographer Margery Fisher calls the plan "diffuse", and "far too comprehensive for one small body of men to tackle within two years", while according to Roland Huntford, the expedition had no obvious goal and was "only too clearly a piece of improvisation, a pretext [for Shackleton] to get away". Among the oceanographical research equipment was a Lucas deep sea sounding machine. This ample provision arose from the sponsorship of Rowett, who had extended his original gift of seed money to an undertaking to cover the costs of the entire expedition. The extent of Rowett's contribution is not recorded; in an (undated) prospectus for the southern expedition Shackleton had estimated the total cost as "about £100,000". According to Wild, without Rowett's actions the expedition would have been impossible: "His generous attitude is the more remarkable in that he knew there was no prospect of financial return, and what he did was in the interest of scientific research and from friendship with Shackleton." His only recognition was the attachment of his name to the title of the expedition. who was, in 1920, a co founder and principal contributor to an animal nutrition research institute in Aberdeen known as the Rowett Research Institute (now part of the University of Aberdeen). He had also endowed dental research work at the Middlesex Hospital. She was a small ship, 125 tons according to Huntford, with sail and auxiliary engine power purportedly capable of making eight knots, but in fact rarely making more than five and a half. Huntford describes her as "straight stemmed", with an awkward square rig, and a tendency to wallow in heavy seas. Although she had some modern facilities, such as electric lights in the cabins, she was unsuited to long oceanic voyages; Shackleton, on the first day out, observed that "in no way are we shipshape or fitted to ignore even the mildest storm". Leif Mills, in his biography of Frank Wild, says that had the ship been taken to the Beaufort Sea in accordance with Shackleton's original plans, she would probably have been crushed in the Arctic pack ice. Some of the Endurance hands had not been fully paid from the earlier expedition, but were prepared to join Shackleton again out of personal loyalty. Frank Wild, on his fourth trip with Shackleton, filled the second in command post as he had on the Endurance expedition. Frank Worsley, Endurances former captain, became captain of Quest. Other old comrades included surgeons Alexander Macklin and James McIlroy, meteorologist Leonard Hussey, engineer Alexander Kerr, seaman Tom McLeod and cook Charles Green. Of the newcomers, Roderick Carr, a New Zealand born Royal Air Force pilot, was hired to fly the expedition's aeroplane, an Avro Baby modified as a seaplane with an 80 horsepower engine. He had met Shackleton in north Russia, and had recently been serving as chief of staff to the Lithuanian Air Force. Due to some missing parts, the aeroplane was not used during the expedition and Carr assisted with the general scientific work. Scientific staff included Australian biologist Hubert Wilkins, who had Arctic experience, and Canadian geologist Vibert Douglas, who had initially signed for the aborted Beaufort Sea expedition. Mooney, who was from the Orkney Islands, dropped out during the voyage south, leaving the ship at Madeira after suffering chronic seasickness. Marr, an 18 year old from Aberdeen, remained throughout, winning plaudits from Shackleton and Wild for his application to the tasks at hand. After being put to work in the ship's coal bunkers, according to Wild, Marr "came out of the trial very well, showing an amount of hardihood and endurance that was remarkable". Large crowds gathered on the banks of the river and on the bridges, to witness the event. Marr wrote in his diary that it was as though "all London had conspired together to bid us a heartening farewell". These delays and the slow speed of the ship led Shackleton to decide that it would be necessary to sacrifice entirely the visits to the South Atlantic islands, and instead he turned the ship towards Rio de Janeiro, where the engine could receive a thorough overhaul. Quest reached Rio on 22 November 1921. delayed the party in Rio for four weeks. This meant that it was no longer practical to proceed to Cape Town and then on to the ice. Shackleton decided to sail directly to Grytviken harbour in South Georgia. Equipment and stores that had been sent on to Cape Town would have to be sacrificed, but Shackleton hoped that this shortfall could be made up in South Georgia.

On 17 December 1921, the day before Quest was due to leave Rio, Shackleton fell ill. He may have suffered a heart attack; Macklin was called, but Shackleton refused to be examined and declared himself "better" the next morning. On the ensuing voyage to South Georgia he was, from the accounts of his shipmates, unusually subdued and listless. He also began drinking champagne each morning, "to deaden the pain", contrary to his normal rule of not allowing liquor at sea. By 1 January 1922, the weather had abated: "Rest and calm after the storm – the year has begun kindly for us", wrote Shackleton in his diary. On 4 January, South Georgia was sighted, and late that morning Quest anchored at Grytviken. After visiting the whaling establishment ashore, Shackleton returned to the ship apparently refreshed. He told Frank Wild that they would celebrate their deferred Christmas the next day, and retired to his cabin to write his diary. "The old smell of dead whale permeates everything", he wrote. "It is a strange and curious place  A wonderful evening. In the darkening twilight I saw a lone star hover, gem like above the bay." The death certificate, signed by Macklin, gave the cause as "Atheroma of the Coronary arteries and Heart failure" – in modern terms, coronary thrombosis. The body was taken ashore for embalming before its return to England. On 19 January, Leonard Hussey accompanied the body on board a steamer bound for Montevideo, but on arrival there he found a message from Emily Shackleton, requesting that the body be returned to South Georgia for burial. where Shackleton was buried on 5 March in the Norwegian cemetery. Quest had meantime sailed, so only Hussey of Shackleton's former comrades was present at the interment. A rough cross marked the burial site, until it was replaced by a tall granite column six years later.

As leader, Wild had to arrange where the expedition should now go. Kerr reported that a longstanding problem with the ship's furnace was manageable and, after supplementing stores and equipment, Wild decided to proceed generally in accordance with Shackleton's original intentions. He would take the ship eastward towards Bouvet Island and then beyond, before turning south to enter the ice as close as possible to Enderby Land, and begin coastal survey work there. The expedition would also investigate an appearance of land in the mouth of the Weddell Sea, reported by James Clark Ross in 1842, but not seen since. Ultimately, progress would depend on weather, ice conditions, and the capabilities of the ship. Quest left South Georgia on 18 January, heading south east towards the South Sandwich Islands. There was a heavy swell, such that the overladen ship frequently dipped its gunwales below the waves, filling the waist with water. As they proceeded, Wild wrote that Quest rolled like a log, leaked and required regular pumping, was heavy on coal consumption, and was slow. All these factors led him to change his plan at the end of January. Bouvet Island was abandoned in favour of a more southerly course that brought them to the edge of the pack ice on 4 February. "Now the little Quest can really try her mettle", wrote Wild, as the ship entered the loose pack. He noted that Quest was the smallest ship ever to attempt to penetrate the heavy Antarctic ice, and pondered on the fate of others. "Shall we escape, or will the Quest join the ships in Davy Jones's Locker?" He still hoped to tackle the heavy ice, and if possible, break through to the hidden land beyond. On 18 February, he turned the ship south again for another try, but was no more successful than before. On 24 February, after a series of further efforts had failed, Wild set a course westward across the mouth of the Weddell Sea towards Elephant Island, where Wild and 21 others had been stranded during Shackleton's Imperial Trans Antarctic Expedition six years earlier. They would then return to South Georgia before the onset of winter. For the most part, the long passage across the Weddell Sea proceeded uneventfully. There was a growing level of unrest among the crew, perhaps provoked by disappointment with the apparent aimlessness of the voyage; Worsley in particular was critical of Wild's leadership. Wild, in his own account, dealt with this discontent by the threat of "the most drastic treatment". On 12 March, they reached 64°11'S, 46°4'W, which was the area where Ross had recorded an appearance of land in 1842, but there was no sign of it, and a depth sounding of over indicated no likelihood of land nearby. From 15 to 21 March, Quest was frozen into the ice, and the shortage of coal became a major concern. Wild hoped that the diminished fuel supply could be supplemented by blubber from the seals at Elephant Island. On 25 March, the island was sighted. Wild wanted if possible to revisit Cape Wild, the site of the old Endurance expedition camp, but bad weather prevented this. They viewed the site through binoculars, picking out the old landmarks, before landing on the western coast to hunt for elephant seals. They were able to obtain sufficient blubber to mix with the coal so that, aided by a favourable wind, they reached South Georgia on 6 April. On 8 May 1922, Quest sailed for Cape Town, where Wild hoped to arrange a refit in preparation for a more productive second season in the ice. The first port of call was Tristan da Cunha, a remote inhabited island to the west and south of Cape Town. After a rough crossing of the "Roaring Forties", Quest arrived there on 20 May. Wild's impressions of the stay at Tristan were not altogether favourable. He noted the appalling squalor and poverty, and said of the population: "They are ignorant, shut off almost completely from the world, horribly limited in outlook." After the Scout parade and flag presentation, Quest sailed on to Gough Island, 200 mile (322 km) to the east, where members of the expedition took geological and botanical samples. They arrived at Cape Town on 18 June, to be greeted by enthusiastic crowds. South African Prime Minister Jan Smuts gave an official reception, and they were honoured at dinners and lunches by local organisations. Wild wrote: "I should have liked one more season in the Enderby Quadrant  much might be accomplished by making Cape Town our starting point and setting out early in the season." On 19 July, they left Cape Town and sailed north. Their final visits were to Saint Helena, Ascension Island and São Vicente. On 16 September, one year after departure, they arrived at Plymouth harbour. At the end of his account, Wild expressed the hope that the information they had brought back might "prove of value in helping to solve the great natural problems that still beset us". The summaries reflected the efforts of the scientific staff to collect data and specimens at each port of call, and the geological and survey work carried out by Carr and Douglas on South Georgia, before the southern voyage. Eventually a few scientific papers and articles were developed from this material, but it was, in Leif Mills's words, "little enough to show for a year's work". was aggravated by the failure to call at Cape Town on the way south, which meant that important equipment was not picked up. On South Georgia, Wild found little that could make up for this loss – there were no dogs on the island, so no sledging work could be carried out, which eliminated Wild's preferred choice of a revised expedition goal, an exploration of Graham Land on the Antarctic Peninsula. The death of Shackleton before the beginning of serious work was a heavy blow, and questions were raised about the adequacy of Wild as his replacement. Some reports imply that Wild drank heavily – "practically an alcoholic", according to Huntford. Mills suggests that even if Shackleton had lived to complete the expedition, it is arguable whether under the circumstances it could have achieved more than it did under Wild's command. According to Fisher's account, essential aeroplane parts had been sent on to Cape Town, but remained uncollected. The long range, 220 volt wireless equipment did not work properly, and was abandoned early on. The smaller, 110 volt equipment worked only within a range of 250 mile (402 km).

An Antarctic hiatus followed the return of Quest, with no significant expeditions to the region for seven years. The expeditions that then followed were of a different character from their predecessors, belonging to the "mechanical age" that succeeded the Heroic Age. At the end of his narrative of the Quest expedition, Wild wrote of the Antarctic: "I think that my work there is done"; he never returned, closing a career which, like Shackleton's, had bracketed the entire Heroic Age. In 1923, he emigrated to the Union of South Africa, where, after a series of business failures and dogged by ill health, he was employed in a succession of low paid jobs. In March 1939, British authorities awarded him an annual pension of £170; Wild commented: "I don't want to grumble, but I think it might have been made big enough for the poor old hero and his wife to live on". Wild died on 19 August 1939, aged 66. The cause of death recorded was pneumonia and diabetes mellitus. None of the other Endurance veterans returned to the Antarctic, although Worsley made one voyage to the Arctic in 1925. Of the other crew and staff of Quest, Australian naturalist Hubert Wilkins became a pioneer aviator in both the Arctic and Antarctic, and flew from Point Barrow, Alaska, to Spitsbergen in 1928. He also made several unsuccessful attempts during the 1930s, in collaboration with American adventurer Lincoln Ellsworth, to fly to the South Pole. Roderick Carr became an Air Marshal in the Royal Air Force and deputy chief of staff to the Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force in 1945.