Жалғаудың тілдік құбылысы немесе жағдайлардың үйлесуі

Linguistic phenomenon

Suffixaufnahme (, "suffix resumption"), also known as case stacking, is a linguistic phenomenon used in forming a genitive construction, whereby prototypically a genitive noun agrees with its head noun. The term Suffixaufnahme itself is literally translated as "taking up of suffixes", which can be interpreted as the identical case marking of different but referentially related phrases, with the presumption that nominal phrases possess a flat or non configurational syntax. Across syntactic theories, case is seen as a bundle of features, and case agreement as the identity of case features. It was first recognized in Old Georgian and some other Caucasian and ancient Middle Eastern languages as well as many Australian languages, and almost invariably coincides with agglutinativity. The usage of case stacking is not limited to genitive constructions, although the genitive case is involved in the majority of occurrences across languages. Cross linguistic variations in case stacking representation and functions can be found. In general, case stacking describes the phenomenon whereby a single word may bear multiple cases reflecting its relation to a number of different syntactic elements. It is important in the development of theories of inflectional morphology and the establishment of the relation between morphology and syntax.

Korean is a language that exhibits the patterns of case stacking. In general, Korean prohibits a nominal from bearing both the nominative and the accusative case at the same time. However, the nominal can appear in either the dative case, the nominative case, or the accusative case, or in multiple cases where one stacked on top on the other. In this example, the nominative case morpheme ka is optionally suffixed to the subject (i. e., "Chulsoo") in addition to the dative suffix eykey. The nature and assignment of ka in the context of case stacking is an ongoing debate. In addition, the acceptance of case stacking in Korean speakers may vary upon context. Some speakers may need to consider case stacking in particular contexts in order to accept it (e. g., spoken context). In fact, case stacking is difficult for speakers to accept in most situations unless a particle such as man 'only' or kkaci 'even' intervenes between the dative and nominative case markers,

In Sumerian, affixes are arranged in a specific order in the noun phrase, such that affixes may not necessarily be directly attached to nouns. The phenomenon is known as double case marking or case displacement. In the above example, the genitive NP [kalam] ("homeland") has been assigned multiple markers in reference to the head noun "sons", namely, the genitive marker ak, the plural ene, and the dative case ra. Sumerian nouns may be marked for case, therefore, possessive relationships (e. g., genitive), plurals, and case marking were expressed by suffixed morphemes that stacked onto one another within the noun phrase. However, while such a possessive construction is most frequently found in Suffixaufnahme, other nominal constructions may also show similar behavior. In Old Georgian, a postpositional phrase modifying a noun could take on that noun's case and number features:

has the ergative (also called narrative) case ma on ertma repeated in the modifying postpositional phrase, headed by gan.

Case stacking in Kashmiri mostly occurs to genitive construction. By adding the suffix hund or sund to the noun, they indicate the gender and number of their modifier. The genitive takes the case marker of the argument's function, such that the genitive is marked with the ablative case before a postposition. In the above example, the suffixes en, hind, and is are stacked onto each other after the stem [kor] ("girl") to indicate the respective genitive and ablative cases involved.

One of more common models in case assignment is the Agree model, which states that structural case features are assigned to nominals by functional heads. Given a head that can assign case and a nominal that is c commanded by the head, the case marking associated with the head will be assigned to the nominal. Another competing model is the Dependent model, which proposes that the case that a nominal receives is dependent on the presence of other nominals in a local domain. In an ergative language (i. e., downwards), the c commanding nominal receives dependent case; in an accusative language (i. e., upwards), the c commanded nominal receives the dependent case. Every nominal that is not assigned a dependent case will then bear an unmarked case (i. e., 'nominative' or 'absolutive'). However, within the nominal domain, the unmarked case is represented as the 'genitive' case. In this model, the role of individual functional heads is less direct. The Dependent model may be applied to Korean case stacking. The direct object is c commanded by the subject within vP phrase. Mary kaJohn ulttayliesse Mary NOMJohn ACChit'Mary hit John.' (Levin 2017: 8)
In this example, neither the direct object John nor the subject Mary receives lexical case. The direct object John receives the dependent accusative case. However, the subject Mary receives an unmarked nominative case since it is not assigned a dependent case and its structural position does not satisfy the requirements on the realization of either the lexical or dependent case.