History of the Kurdistan Workers' Party

The history of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) began in 1974 as a Marxist–Leninist organization under the leadership of Abdullah Öcalan. In 1978 the organization adopted the name "Kurdistan Workers Party" and waged its low level Urban War in Turkish Kurdistan between 1978 and 1980. The PKK restructured itself and moved the organization structure to Syria between 1980 and 1984, after the 1980 Turkish coup d'état. The Kurdish Turkish conflict began in earnest in 1984. which became the main factor in its survival. It has gradually grown from a handful of political students to an armed organization of thousands.

The PKK's origins can be traced back to 1974, when Abdullah Öcalan and a small group of leftist students from Dev Genç ("Revolutionary Youth") decided to develop a Kurdish based left wing organization. The members of this new small organization actively participated in different branches of Dev Genç. In 1971, Öcalan joined the underground movements trying to overthrow the government system, which he saw as oppressive and fascist, while he was a student at the Ankara University Political Sciences Faculty. Öcalan was also sympathetic with the People's Liberation Party of Turkey (THKO). Following, several of the resting political actors of the Turkish left organized away from the public in University dorms or in meetings in shared apartments.

The core of the organization established with 16 members, led by political science student Öcalan, later to be his wife Kesire Yildirim, Cemil Bayik, Baki Karer, Kemal Pir, Mehmet Sevgat, Mehmet Karasungur and ten other members with the name Ankara Democratic Association of Higher Education (ADYÖD). The organization was located in Ankara. During this period, Öcalan and his supporters were generally known as Apocus, in Turkish "Apocular". Today, there are only a few still living or following the cause, a result of a combination of factors, including disputes internal to the PKK. Although originally based in Ankara, Öcalan decided that there was a better base in south east Turkey. Öcalan recognized that he can organize and build a secure base to perform activities by using the tribal system in the region. He focused on tribes that are not historically coexisting peacefully with the government. Thus, Öcalan focused much of his attention from 1976–78 to building a PKK structure in that region. It was a secret organization, but deciphered by Turkish Intelligence in 1977. On May 18, 1977, Haki Karer, who belonged to small group of confidants, a housemate of Öcalan, not a Kurd but a Turk from Ordu, was dispatched to Gaziantep to recruit new members. He was involved in a political discussion with another left Kurdish faction called Sterka Sor (Red Star) in a coffee shop. He was killed in Gaziantep, allegedly by members of the Kurdish group Sterka Sor. This was the first resistance against Apocular by a rival Kurdish group. From that moment Apocular become more careful, strict and violent. In the party's historiography, the death of Haki Karer is related to the decision to deepen and strengthen the struggle. On 27 November 1978, during a meeting in a village called Fis, in the district of Lice, north of Diyarbakir, it was decided to form a political party. The name of the party, Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê was decided on later, in April 1979, when the meeting of the central committee. The meeting in Fis later got to be remembered as the First Congress of the PKK. 24 people were invited of which 22 attended. It was decided that the people present at the meeting, together with former revolutionaries who died, were to be the first members of the party. Elected as General Secretary was Öcalan, and as members of the Central Executive Committee Mehmet Karasunğur and Sahin Dönmez. Karasungur was also elected as the responsible for the armed resistance. With the 1980 assassination of a former prime minister, Nihat Erim who was assassinated by radical Turkish leftist organization Dev Sol, the discovery of gun depots, civil disorder, political indecision (parliament was unable to select a president) and, most importantly, the Iran–Iraq War, a coup took place, initiating a series of trials. In the central trial, against the left wing organization Devrimci Yol (Revolutionary Path) at Ankara Military Court, the defendants listed 5,388 political killings before the military coup. Among the victims were 1,296 right wingers and 2,109 left wingers. The others could not clearly be related. In this period, the number of deaths attributed to the PKK was approximately 240. Many right wing organizations saw the PKK as a threat to their existence. The military tribunals of the 1980 coup which tried 7,000 people revealed a recorded 5,241 dead and 14,152 wounded from 1979 to 1980. The PKK made up 21% of the total 5,241 caseload. Following imprisonment, the captured PKK members set up an elaborate resistance organization that would operate even behind bars. This organization became famous for their hunger strikes. They also smuggled in guns and communication equipment into prison. Recruitment and training became commonplace for imprisoned PKK members. All through this time, Öcalan eluded capture and remained in control. He fled the country towards Syria in 1979. Even before the coup, Öcalan knew that he had to restructure the PKK to continue its activities. In 1979, when Öcalan moved to the Bekaa valley in Lebanon, he had chance to develop his connection from where Dev Genç left. His initial accommodations were covered through the already established Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (ASALA) structure and Fatah camps, in part of ex Syrian controlled Lebanon. Until 1999 Syria had provided valuable safe havens to the organization in the region of Beqaa Valley.

On 10 November 1980, the PKK bombed the Turkish consulate in Strasbourg, France, in a joint operation with the ASALA, which they described as the beginning of a "fruitful collaboration" in a statement claiming responsibility. It was alleged that Soviet Armenian KGB officer Karen Brutents was behind the militant structure that was adapted by PKK and methods used by ASALA. Since pro Soviet Armenians had participated in the founding of an anti Turkish Kurdish party already in 1927, the theories, arguments, propaganda methods and activity structures were well established. Besides, Öcalan managed to compel Qais Abd al Karim, the leader of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP), to support the military training of PKK militants in Lebanon. In the early 1980s, some 300 PKK militants were provided with education in guerilla warfare. With time, similar agreements were met with the Fatah of Yassir Arafat or the Palestinian Popular Struggle Front (PPSF) of Samir Ghawshah. From August 20–25, 1982, the second congress of the PKK was held in a Palestinian Camp at the border between Syria and Lebanon. During the congress a guerilla warfare strategy was formulated. It was decided there should be three phases of guerilla warfare: strategic defense, strategic balance and strategic offense. Small units of the PKK should return to Turkey and get engaged in armed confrontations until autumn of 1983. But the planning took longer than expected and armed confrontations began on the 15 August 1984. During the congress Çetin Güngör criticized the lack of democracy within the PKK. He had not enough support to be satisfied, left the PKK and kept criticizing the PKK in public meetings. In one of those meetings in Sweden in 1985 he was killed. Öcalan consolidated his resources at the training camps in Bekaa valley. PKK build up a new power base. This marked the beginning of the second stage of PKK's efforts to establish control of southeastern Turkey. It was claimed that at Ain al Hilweh near to the largest Palestinian refugee camp located on the outskirts of the port of Sidon in Lebanon, the organization developed links with paramilitary groups among other ethnic groups which has harbored historic grievances against Turkey such as the ethnic Armenian ASALA. The links extended to groups which shared its left wing nationalist ideology such as the Palestine Liberation Organisation, ETA, and, to a lesser degree, the Provisional Irish Republican Army. The establishment of the Kurdistan Liberation Force (Hêzên Rizgariya Kurdistan HRK) was announced on 15 August 1984. From 1984, the PKK became a paramilitary group with training at camps in Turkish Kurdistan, Iraqi Kurdistan, Syria, Lebanon and France. The PKK received significant support from the Syrian government, which allowed it to maintain a headquarters in Damascus, as well as some support from the governments of Iran, Iraq, and Libya. It began to launch attacks and bombings against Turkish governmental installations, the military, and various institutions of the state. The organization focused on attacks against Turkish military targets, although civilian targets were also hit. On the December 15, 1984 the organization and other left oriented groups including Workers Party of Turkey, Communist Labour Party of Turkey, Communist Party of Turkey, Socialist Party of Turkish Kurdistan and Socialist Workers Party of Turkey signed a protocol to work together.

1984 marked the beginning of sustained paramilitary action by the PKK, attacking government mainly personnel and infrastructure associated with Southeastern Anatolia Project, as well as some civilian (collaborators) targets. Initially the PKK insurgence was branded as just another Kurdish revolt, the 29th revolt, by the Turkish government, and it was declared, it would be crushed just as the ones before as well. With the Kurdish National Liberation Front (ERNK), which was formed in 1985, gave the insurgence another organizational structure. Eventually, military operations were handed over from the ERNK to the Kurdistan Popular Liberation Army (ARGK). The ERNK remained, but largely as a front for the ARGK. At the Third Party Congress in October 1986, the Peoples Liberation Army of Kurdistan (Artêşa Rizgariye Gelê Kurdistan ARGK) was founded and succeeded the HRK.

Since 1982, the Iran Iraq war gave Kurdish organizations in Northern Iraq a free hand because Iraq needed and moved its troops to the front in the South. The organization used this to develop cross border attacks from Iraq. The relations between the Marxist PKK and Barzani's conservative KDP were never cordial, but the latter nevertheless allowed organization to operate from the KDP controlled areas and in the south of the Iraqi Turkish border. This gave the PKK two routes of penetration into Turkey, directly from Syria and over Iraq

The PKK could count with a strong support from the Kurdish European Diaspora, notably from the diaspora in Germany. After sympathizers of the PKK launched a wave of arson attacks against Turkish institutions in Germany, it was declared a terrorist organization in 1993. Turkey supported US led coalition that formed Iraqi no fly zones. No fly zones generated a control vacuum which later used by PKK. Iran did not want to have the no fly zone that can be easily influenced by US led coalition. Turkish sources claimed that Iran's response to these activities was also shaped by supporting PKK. In order to adapt to the end of the Soviet System (1991) and gain Iran's support the organization amended or abandoned its communist secular ideology to better accommodate and accept Islamic beliefs. Beginning in 1993, PKK members allegedly launched attacks from Iranian soil. Heat seeking SA 7 missiles were given by Iran to prevent Turkish operations in Iraq. Organization used SA 7 missiles effectively against Turkey during Turkey's involvement in Iraqi Kurdish Civil War. During the 1990s, Greece and Iran were accused of providing PKK with supplies in the form of weapons and funds. Both Greece and Iran denied accusations. On October 4, 1992, the Kurdish government in Erbil announced that "PKK should either withdraw from the border bases or be expelled." On March 17, 1993, Öcalan declared a unilateral ceasefire in Barelias, Lebanon in presence of Jalal Talabani. He declared that the PKK does not intend "to separate from Turkey." On the 16 April 1993 Öcalan announced that the ceasefire was to become indefinite. But canceled the ceasefire after the fighting began anew in the same year. The organization moved its military camps to Northern Iraq. Syria had only ideological training, intelligence, health and recreation installations. International discussions were going on about a new state in North Iraq, based on the concept of Iraq Federation. UN channelled money to Iraq Federation. With inclusion of the solution for elimination of the PKK's ability to use North Iraq, Turkey joined the US led coalition to bring truce among the Iraqi Kurds. Two sets of negotiations were tried. US brokered Drogheda talks on August 9–11, 1995 appeared to be leading to a settlement of the KDP PUK fight as well as to security guarantees in the form of the KDP controlling the Turkish border. Turkey feared that the KDP PUK conflict would create a power vacuum in northern Iraq that would facilitate the organization. Turkey performed Operation Steel (Çelik Harekâtı) between March 20 and May 4, 1995 before the official negotiations began. Some 35,000 Turkish troops moved into northern Iraq attempting to clean out PKK strongholds during the period March 20 – May 2, 1995. The attempt failed. This activity was aimed at giving the conditions of Drogheda talks a chance by eliminating the PKK's infrastructure from the region. Operation Steel gave the chance of Iraqi Kurds building their own control system, but only if they prevent the PKK extending its infrastructure. Drogheda negotiations were killed because of the regional effects on Syria and Iran. To derail this unification, just after the Drogheda Talks II September 12, 1995, PKK launched attacks (September 25, 1995) against the KDP. PKK was saying it can not be ignored. During 1995 Öcalan declared his intention to form a "National United Front." National United Front summarized its political objective as a "total national democratic liberation war against the escalating total warfare." By establishing some type of government in exile or Kurdish federation, PKK was responding to a coalition which was trying to unite Iraqi Kurds. A second set of failed negotiations among Kurdish groups in Iraq were performed during October 1996 which was called Ankara Peace Process.

The Iraqi Kurdish Civil War took place between rival Kurdish factions in the mid 1990s. Over the course of the conflict, the various factions drew Kurdish factions from Iran and Turkey, as well as Iranian, Iraqi, American forces into the fighting. On friendly terms with the PUK, the PKK began attacking KDP Peshmergas and members of the KDP. The PKK was moved to Qandil mountains from Bekaa Valley after the civil war ended. Some of the heaviest fighting of the entire KDP PUK civil war ensued starting October 13, 1997. Hundreds were killed and thousands displaced. PUK used six GRAD missiles in Suleymaniye. There were no negotiations to bring a truce. Same missiles were used against military targets in Turkey. From Turkey's perspective the KDP was trying to push PKK out of North Iraq and the KUP was getting support from the PKK which was supported by Syria and Iran. Turkey intervened on the side of the KDP and saw it as an opportunity to attack the PKK. Turkey also warned Talabani, the leader of PUK, not to cooperate with the PKK. On May 12, 1997, Turkish forces launched Operation Hammer in May, in an attempt to root out the PKK from northern Iraq. The operation inflicted heavy casualties, however the organization continued to operate in northern Iraq. The Operation Hammer cost $300 million. Turkish sources claimed that nearly 3000 PKK militants were killed, with a further 132 being captured. This contrasted with 113 fatalities and 325 injured among the Turkish forces. The operation failed and PKK continued to operate from northern Iraq. On September 25, 1997, Turkish forces engaged with Operation Dawn (1997) in northern Iraq. This time they were allied with the KDP and attacked PUK and PKK positions in an attempt to force a cease fire between the factions and destroy PKK camps. The operation resulted in heavy PKK and Turkish casualties, but Turkey once again failed to root out the PKK from northern Iraq. However, a cease fire was negotiated between the PUK and KDP. Despite the cease fire, renewed small fighting broke out along the armistice line between the KDP and PUK in October and November. At the same time, Iranian and Iraqi soldiers were also clashing in border areas. In this round of fighting, 1,200 combatants were killed on both sides and 10,000 civilians fled their homes. A lasting cease fire was finally established on November 24. Saddam's response to Turkey's help in negotiations between Iraq Kurds was shaped by increasingly assisting the organization. According to the Turkish authorities, during the year of 1997, the 3,302 PKK operatives, of whom 484 were captured, 415 surrendered, and 303 arrested, in various operations including those in northern Iraq. During the same period, security forces lost 192 soldiers and 95 others were wounded; in addition, 49 village guards were killed and 14 wounded. Turkish military claimed it gained enough operational structure in the region to monitor organizational movements, but not control or stop them. At the same time, Turkish army involved in serious war crimes and human rights violations. Kurdish civilians were routinely executed and the PKK was blamed for their death.

The PKK began using all kind of bomb attacks, including suicide bombings in the 90's. PKK targets were carefully selected. According to Turkish authorities, large majority of bombers were selected by the organization's leadership. Most of the attacks clustered between 1998 and 1999, non exclusive list is: November 17, 1998, December 1, 1998, December 24, 1998, April 9, 1999 and June 7, 1999. All targets were military and police bases. Despite a numerous of claims, the PKK had only taken responsibility for a few suicide bombings.

The undeclared war was the response of Turkey to Syria for its continued assistance to PKK. In its messages about the undeclared war, Turkey claimed that it is ready to perform any necessary activity to destroy the PKK's operational bases. It ended with the capture of Öcalan and the repositioning of Turkey in relation to the Arab League by taking a new position facing Syria and Iran. One of the first contacts with Syria about the PKK was in 1987. Turgut Özal personally conducted the negotiations. At the end, there was a protocol which however showed the differences between the countries. Syria did not even admit Öcalan was in Syria. After the Gulf War, in April 1992, a security agreement was reached between the two states. Both countries agreed on preventing crossing, organization, training or distributing propaganda of outlawed organizations in respective countries. If an agent is captured, he will be exchanged. Marking the border between Turkey and Syria was considered. Every three months security officials were to meet and exchange information on both sides. From international policy perspective, this was the first time Syria accepted to consider the PKK as a terrorist organization. The public reaction came on November 19–20, 1993, when the Syrian state minister stated that "Öcalan and other terrorists would not be allowed". But besides these exchanges, Syria did not significantly change its attitude toward PKK. The next development was on August 23, 1994, when Syria officially linked the water issue to the PKK in the summit between Turkey, Syria and Iran. During this summit another interesting development was the Hatay issue, which was brought to table. While the summit was going at Damascus, the PKK was building its structure in Hatay; in July 1995, it performed its first activity there, later using this province as a base to extend its activities to Adana and Mersin; the PKK was extending to the East Mediterranean. This region was one of the centers of immigration from the southeast, and also is a temporary summer work area for the southeast region. For Turkey the region was sensitive, not because of the Kurds, but because of the Arab population. Beginning late 1995, the Syrian backing of PKK operations around Hatay was perceived by Turkish governments as an active hostile threat from Syria more than from the PKK. The PKK's Hatay operations ended with the undeclared war with Syria. If the PKK's demand had passed, it would be a big step for Damascus, not just for the water issues and Hatay demands, but also because a Western country was negotiating with a banned organization. It would be a big blow to Turkey as the inability to stop the revolt in the country could end with the balkanization of the region. After the Turkish government's decision on the undeclared war with Syria, the military received orders to develop military operational plans, including the worst scenario (regional war: Turkey against Syria, Iran and maybe Greece (1995 military agreement on airbases) and Russia). To counteract a regional war, military agreements with Israel were signed on February 24 and August 26, 1996. These agreements followed with intelligence cooperation in February 1997. Two diplomatic notes were issued during 1996. The first note was for a truck originating in Iran and carrying military equipment to the PKK in Syria. The second one was regarding Syria being a state sponsor of the PKK. Turkey delinked the two issues of water and the PKK. On December 30, 1996, Turkish National Intelligence Agency (MIT) smuggled Mustafa Duyur out of Syria. Duyur was a DHKP C agent who was involved with the Özdemir Sabancı murder. Turkey froze relations as Damascus was harboring PKK and DHKP C.

After Syria deported PKK guerrilla leader Öcalan, he passed through various European countries which caused diplomatic crises with Turkey, who sought his extradition on "terrorism" charges, including involvement in murdering Turkish soldiers, police and also civilians. On February 15, 1999, while being transferred from the Greek embassy to Nairobi international airport, Öcalan was captured in an operation by the Turkish National Intelligence Agency (MIT) with the support of CIA. American officials admitted that US intelligence and diplomatic efforts aided in Öcalan's eventual capture. He was then flown back to Turkey for trial. His capture led thousands of protesting Kurds to seize Greek embassies around the world. In August 1999, Öcalan from the jail announced his second peace initiative, ordering members to refrain from armed conflict and requesting dialogue with the government of Turkey on all issues. However, in no time, multiple riots broke out throughout the world near Turkish diplomatic facilities such as Greek embassy in London between Turks and Kurds. A PKK/KADEK spokesman stated that its armed wing, The People's Defense Force, would not disband or surrender its weapons, to maintain its capability of self defense. PKK/KADEK avowing to not lay down its arms underscores that the organization maintains its capability to carry out operations. The PKK wasn't anymore one leader organizations, it had become a significant symbol of Kurdish cause.

The PKK could count with a strong support from the Kurdish European Diaspora, notably from the diaspora in Germany. After sympathizers of the PKK launched a wave of arson attacks against Turkish institutions in Germany, it was declared a terrorist organization in 1993. On September 30, 1995 Damascus contacts between the high ranking German MP Heinrich Lummer of the Christian Democratic Union of Germany (CDU) and intelligence officials in Damascus. In a meeting between Lummer and Abdullah Öcalan in Damascus in 1996, Öcalan has assured Lummer that it was the PKKs aim to find a peaceful solution for their activities in Germany. The PKK also demanded that it should be recognized as a legitimate entity and not as a terrorist organization in Germany, by KDP forces in North Iraq. KDP extradited this operative to Turkey.

Turkey decided that the termination of PKK could only be achieved by termination of their operational grounds. Turkey engaged with strong foreign relations campaign to get international support. On April 2, 2004, The Council of the European Union (the 15 EU governments) decided to update the European Union list of terrorist organisations to include Kurdistan Workers' Party. This applied to all and any members joining the EU. Turkey also reached an agreement with Tehran in 2002 in which Turkey recognized the Iranian rebel group Mujahideen e Khalq as a terrorist organisation in exchange for Iran doing the same for the PKK. The Dutch police raided the 'PKK paramilitary camp/office' in the Dutch town of Liempde and arrested 29 people in November 2004. Despite all efforts, Turkey wasn't even able to reduce PKK activities.

From April 2, 2002 to November 11, 2003, the same day as the European Union updated its list of terrorists, the organization declared that it terminated "Kurdistan Workers Party" and with the same organisational structure formed the Kürdistan Demokratik ve Özgürlük Kongresi (KADEK). The name change to KADEK was claimed as a move towards peaceful politics and co operation with a wider range of ideologies, but it was pointed that this change was aimed to protect itself from the legal implications of being listed as a terrorist organization. Turkey claimed at the time that KADEK and PKK were identical. Later nations updated their status towards KADEK to be identical to their status towards PKK. From November 11, 2003 to April 4, 2005, the KADEK changed its name and operated under the banner of KGK (KONGRA GEL). In 2004, the armed wing of PKK, HPG (People's Forces of Defence) announced an end to the unilateral truce they had sustained since the time of Öcalan's capture. After 4 years of ceasefire, the PKK started continued the armed conflict. The PKK started its activities by bombing the Turkish military bases and police departments in southeastern Turkey. Later in 2004, from request of Turkey, US Treasury amended its regulations to include all the aliases and offshoots of the PKK in its sanctions list maintained by OFAC (Office of Foreign Assets Control). The list aims at blocking terrorist property. The organisations currently listed under PKK aliases include KADEK (Congress for Freedom and Democracy in Kurdistan), KONGRA GEL, HSK, KHK and PKK.

Turkish authorities claimed that the organization's main sources of financing shifted from state sources to mostly the Kurds in Europe and revenue derived from drug trafficking. Scholars critical of the PKK in 2007 cited one British intelligence estimate that claims the PKK controls around 40 per cent of the total amount of heroin entering Europe from the east. In Diyarbakir, on 6 July 2005, unknowns killed Hikmet Fidan, the former vice president of the People's Democratic Party (HADEP), who formed an alternative organization to the PKK called PWD with Osman Ocalan. The PKK was accused, but it denied its involvement. In 2007 the PKK included a 40% quota for women as commanders. During the 2007 Turkish general election, Turkish authorities claimed that a death threat was mailed by organization to CHP, MHP, DYP and AKP to withdraw their Van and Hakkâri candidates allowing a DTP dominance. blockquote|With the exception of DTP all candidates in Van and Hakkari from CHP, MHP, DYP and AKP must withdraw themselves and offer their support to Kurdish people. Our people must demonstrate their Kurdishness in the elections. If any different approach develops, our approach will also be different. [ ] Whoever continues the activities we mentioned here will be punished. Whoever damages our movement or our party [DTP] will not be forgiven in any way. They should know that they are facing death. On 21 October 2011 Iranian foreign minister Ali Akbar Salehi announced Iran would co operate with Turkey in some military operations against the PKK. 2012 was the most violent year in the armed conflict between the Turkish State and PKK since 1999. At least 541 individuals lost their lives as a result of the clashes including 316 militants and 282 soldiers. In contrast, 152 individuals lost their lives in 2009 until the Turkish government initiated negotiations with the PKK leadership. The failure of this negotiations contributed to violence that were particularly intensified in 2012. The PKK encouraged by the rising power of the Syrian Kurds increased its attacks in the same year. During the Syrian Civil War, the Kurds in Syria have established control over their own region with the help of the PKK as well as with support from the Kurdistan Regional Government in Erbil, under President Masoud Barzani.

In late 2012, the Turkish government began secret talks with Öcalan for a ceasefire. To facilitate talks, government officials transmitted letters between Öcalan in jail to PKK leaders in northern Iraq. On 21 March 2013, a ceasefire was announced. On 25 April, it was announced that the PKK would leave Turkey. Commander Murat Karayılan remarked "As part of ongoing preparations, the withdrawal will begin on May 8, 2013. Our forces will use their right to retaliate in the event of an attack, operation or bombing against our withdrawing guerrilla forces and the withdrawal will immediately stop." The semi autonomous Kurdish region of Iraq welcomed the idea of refugees from its northern neighbor. The BDP held meetings across the region to state the pending withdrawal to concerned citizens. "The 8th of May is a day we both anticipate and fear," said party leader Pinar Yilmaz. "We don't trust the government at all. Many people here are afraid that once the guerrillas are gone, the Turkish military will crack down on us again." The withdrawal began as planned with groups of fighters crossing the border from southeastern Turkey to northern Iraq. On 29 July 2013, the PKK issued an ultimatum in saying that the peace deal would fail if reforms were not begun to be implemented within a month. In October, Cemil Bayik warned that unless Turkey resumed the peace process, the PKK would resume operations to defend itself against it. He also criticized Turkey of waging a proxy war against Kurds during the Syrian Civil War by supporting other extremist rebels who were fighting them. Iraqi Kurdistan President Masoud Barzani backed the initiative saying, alongside Erdogan: "This is a historic visit for me We all know it would have been impossible to speak here 15 or 20 years ago. Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan has taken a very brave step towards peace. I want my Kurdish and Turkish brothers to support the peace process."

The PKK engaged the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) forces in Syria in mid July 2014 as part of the Syrian Civil War. In August the PKK engaged IS in Northern Iraq and pressured the Government of Turkey to take a stand against IS. PKK forces helped tens of thousands of Yazidis escape an encircled Mount Sinjar. In September 2014, during the Siege of Kobanî, some PKK fighters engaged with Islamic State forces in Syria who were attacking Kurdish city Kobane, which resulted in conflicts with Turks on the border and an end to a cease fire that had been in place over a year. The PKK said Turkey was supporting ISIS. The PKK participated in many offensives against ISIS in Iraq and Syria. A number of Turkish Kurds rallied in large scale street protests, demanding that the government in Ankara take more forceful action to combat IS and to enable Kurdish militants already engaged against IS to more freely move and resupply. These protests included a PKK call for its supporters to turn out. Clashes between police and protesters killed at least 31 people. The Turkish government continued to restrict PKK associated fighters' movement across its borders, arresting 260 People's Protection Units fighters who were moving back into Turkey. On 14 October, Turkish Air Force fighter bombers attacked PKK positions in the vicinity of Daglica, Hakkari Province. Turkish military statements stated that the bombings were in response to PKK attacks on a Turkish military outpost in the area. The Firat news agency, which Al Jazeera describes as "close to the PKK", stated that Turkish forces had been shelling the PKK positions for days beforehand and that the PKK action had itself been retaliation for those artillery strikes. The PKK had already reported several Turkish attacks against their troops months before Turkish bombing started.