Сатығ әл-Хусри: Осман, Сирия және Ирак жазушысы, педагогы және араб ұлтшылдығының ойшылы.

Ottoman, Syrian and Iraqi writer, educationalist and Arab nationalist

Sāṭi` al Ḥuṣrī (ساطع الحصري; August 1880 – 1968), born Abu Khaldun Sati' al Husri, was an Ottoman, Syrian and Iraqi writer, educationalist and an influential Arab nationalist thinker in the 20th century.

Of Syrian descent, Al Husri was born in Sana'a, Yemen, to a government official from a wealthy Arab Aleppine family. Frequent moving meant that he never received a formal education from a madrasah but instead spent his formative years studying at the Mekteb i Mülkiye, a public administration college in Constantinople. Before studying the Arabic language, he learned Turkish and French. When he spoke, he reportedly had a Turkish accent.

In 1900, he graduated from the Royal Academy, and worked as a schoolteacher in Ioannina in Epirus, then part of the European territories of the Ottoman Empire. During this period, he began to show an interest in questions of nationality and was exposed to the competing strands of European nationalism. After five years in Yanina, he took up a high ranking administrative position in Macedonia, where the officers who would later form the Committee for Union and Progress (CUP) had a strong presence. After the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, he was appointed in May 1909 director of the Teachers' Institute, Darülmuallimin in Constantinople, where he initiated major reforms in pedagogy and the public education system. In this period he became editor of two important educational reviews ("Tedrisat ı İbtidaiye Mecmuası", "Muallim"). From 1910 to 1912, he visited European countries to examine modern educational methods. Initially a supporter of Ottomanism and the Young Turks, from 1916 on he moved towards Arabism. In 1941 nationalist army officers, from the first generation to have come under the influence of al Husri's ideas, carried out a coup d'état against the pro British monarchy and government, briefly installing a pro Axis regime under Rashid Ali al Gailani. When British forces restored the monarchy, al Husri was deported as were over a hundred of the Syrian and Palestinian teachers he had induced to come to Iraq. Al Husri's next major enterprise was the reform of the educational system in Syria. In 1943 the newly elected Syrian president Shukri al Kuwatli invited him to Damascus, then still under the French mandate, to draw up a new curriculum along Arab nationalist lines for the country's secondary education system. Al Husri established a curriculum informed by his nationalist ideas which considerably reduced the French cultural element and broke away from the French educational model. Against the bitter opposition of the French, and the reservations of various political figures, the new curriculum was introduced in December 1944, but the sudden change caused confusion and shortages of the new schoolbooks did nothing to improve its reception. A year later, the former curriculum was restored. In 1947, al Husri moved to Cairo, taking up a position in the Cultural Directorate of the League of Arab States. He would remain there for 18 years, during which he produced most of his works. He returned to Baghdad in 1965, and died there in December 1968.

Al Husri's approach to Arab nationalism was influenced by nineteenth century European thinkers, especially German romantic nationalists such as Herder and Fichte. Historian Maher Charif describes him as having a "cultural sentimental" approach to nationalism. Al Husri's conception of the nation is a primordialist one. He viewed the nation as a living entity, and like other thinkers of his school insisted on its long standing historic existence, even if its members were unconscious of that or refused to be considered an Arab. For al Husri, the basic constituent elements of a nation were a shared language and a shared history. He rejected the idea that other factors, such as state action, religion, or economic factors, could play a part in bringing about nationalist sentiment; this was solely an emotional phenomenon arising from unity of language and culture. Al Husri rejected the idea of an Islamic nation on the basis that this would cover cultural and geographic scopes that are too broad. He argued that even if this were to be the ultimate goal, it would nevertheless be impossible to achieve without achieving Arab unity first. He also sought to distance Arabic from Islam, arguing that both the Arabs and Arabic existed before it. Al Husri saw localist tendencies as the main obstacle to the realisation of nationalist goals, but he pointed to the German and Italian experiences as indications that they would eventually be overcome. Communist internationalism was also a threat, but by the mid 1920s, with the Caliphate abolished, al Husri was confident that the challenge which was posed by pan Islamism was also vanquished. Charif states that al Husri "established a barrier between civilisation on the one hand, and culture on the other hand, taking the view that the first, which comprises the sciences, technology and modes of production, is intrinsically 'universal', while the latter, which comprises customs and language, is 'national'." The Arab nation should, therefore, adopt all that the west had to offer it in the first sphere, but it should jealously preserve its own culture. This distinction was influential among later nationalist theorists. Al Husri paid particular attention to questions of language, a difficult issue in the Arab world due to widespread diglossia. He considered that a language reform was necessary given the situation whereby most Arabs were unable to use Classical Arabic, the universal Arab written language, yet could not communicate successfully with each other in the greatly differing spoken dialects of the Arab world. His proposal was that, at least as a temporary measure pending improved education, a somewhat simplified form of Classical Arabic should be developed which should be closer to the spoken dialects to some degree, but it should retain its position as a universal language which should be commonly spoken by all Arabs.

Every Arab speaking people is an Arab people. Every individual belonging to one of these Arabic speaking peoples is an Arab. And if he does not recognize this, and if he is not proud of his Arabism, then we must look for the reasons that have made him take this stand. It may be an expression of ignorance; in that case we must teach him the truth. It may spring from an indifference or false consciousness; in that case we must enlighten him and lead him to the right path. It may result from extreme egoism; in that case we must limit his egoism. But under no circumstances, should we say: "As long as he does not wish to be an Arab, and as long as he is disdainful of his Arabness, then he is not an Arab." He is an Arab regardless of his own wishes. Whether ignorant, indifferent, undutiful, or disloyal, he is an Arab, but an Arab without consciousness or feeling, and perhaps even without conscience. (Translation from Adeed Dawisha, Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: From Triumph to Despair [Princeton and Oxford, 2003] p. 72.)