Пруссия Евангеликелік Шіркеу Одағының Тарихы

German Protestant church body

The Prussian Union of Churches (known under multiple other names) was a major Protestant church body which emerged in 1817 from a series of decrees by Frederick William III of Prussia that united both Lutheran and Reformed denominations in Prussia. Although not the first of its kind, the Prussian Union was the first to occur in a major German state. It became the biggest independent religious organization in the German Empire and later Weimar Germany, with about 18 million parishioners. The church underwent two schisms (one permanent since the 1830s, one temporary 1934–1948), due to changes in governments and their policies. After being the favoured state church of Prussia in the 19th century, it suffered interference and oppression at several times in the 20th century, including the persecution of many parishioners. In the 1920s, the Second Polish Republic and Lithuania, and in the 1950s to 1970s, East Germany, the People's Republic of Poland, and the Soviet Union, imposed permanent or temporary organizational divisions, eliminated entire congregations, and expropriated church property, transferring it either to secular uses or to different churches more favoured by these various governments. In the course of the Second World War, church property was either damaged or destroyed by strategic bombing, and by war's end, many parishioners had fled from the advancing Soviet forces. After the war, complete ecclesiastical provinces vanished following the flight and expulsion of Germans living east of the Oder Neiße line. The two post war periods saw major reforms within the Church, strengthening the parishioners' democratic participation. The Church counted many renowned theologians as its members, including Friedrich Schleiermacher, Julius Wellhausen (temporarily), Adolf von Harnack, Karl Barth (temporarily), Dietrich Bonhoeffer, and Martin Niemöller (temporarily), to name only a few. In the early 1950s, the church body was transformed into an umbrella, after its prior ecclesiastical provinces had assumed independence in the late 1940s. Following the decline in number of parishioners due to the German demographic crisis and growing irreligion, the Church was subsumed into the Union of Evangelical Churches in 2003.

The Calvinist (Reformed) and Lutheran Protestant churches had existed in parallel after Prince Elector John Sigismund declared his conversion from Lutheranism to Calvinism in 1617, with most of his subjects remaining Lutheran. However, a significant Calvinist minority had grown due to the reception of thousands of Calvinists refugees fleeing oppression by the Catholic Counter Reformation in Bohemia, France (Huguenots), the Low Countries, and Wallonia or migrants from Jülich Cleves Berg, the Netherlands, Poland, or Switzerland. Their descendants made up the bulk of the Calvinists in Brandenburg. At issue over many decades was how to unite into one church.

One year after he ascended to the throne in 1798, Frederick William III, being summus episcopus (Supreme Governor of the Protestant Churches), decreed a new common liturgical agenda (service book) to be published for use in both the Lutheran and Reformed congregations. The king, a Reformed Christian, lived in a denominationally mixed marriage with the Lutheran Queen Louise (1776–1810), which is why they never partook of Communion together. A commission was formed in order to prepare this common agenda. This liturgical agenda was the culmination of the efforts of his predecessors to unify the two Protestant churches in Prussia and in its predecessor, the Electorate of Brandenburg. Major reforms to the administration of Prussia were undertaken after the defeat by Napoléon's army at the Battle of Jena Auerstedt. As a part of these reforms, the separate leadership structures of both the Lutheran Church (with its chief body, the all Prussian Lutherisches Oberkonsistorium (Lutheran Upper Consistory), 1750–1808, and the Reformed Churches (with their chief bodies, the all Prussian Französisches Oberkonsistorium /Consistoire supérieur (French Supreme Consistory); 1701–1808, and the all Prussian German speaking Reformed Kirchendirektorium (Church Directory); 1713–1808) were abolished and the tasks of the three administrations were taken on by the Sektion für den Kultus und öffentlichen Unterricht (Section for the cult and public instruction), also competent for the Catholic church and the Jewish congregations, forming a department in the Prussian Ministry of the Interior. Under the influence of the centralising movement of absolutism and the Napoleonic Age, after the defeat of Napoléon I in 1815, rather than reestablishing the previous denominational leadership structures, all religious communities were placed under a single consistory in each of the then ten Prussian provinces. When Prussia finally received a parliament in 1847, some church leadership offices included a seat in the first chamber of non elected, but appointed members (succeeded by the House of Lords of Prussia as of 1854). A number of steps were taken to effect the number of pastors that would become Union pastors. Candidates for ministry, from 1820 onwards were required to state whether they would be willing to join the Union. All of the theological faculty at the Rhenish Frederick William's University in Bonn belonged to the Union. An ecumenical ordination vow in which the pastor avowed allegiance to the Evangelical Church was also formulated.

In 1821, the administrative umbrella comprising the Protestant congregations in Prussia adopted the name Evangelical Church in the Royal Prussian Lands (link=no). At Christmas time the same year, a common liturgical agenda was produced, as a result of a great deal of personal work by Frederick William, as well by the commission that he had appointed in 1798. The agenda was not well received by many Lutherans, as it was seen to compromise the wording of the Words of Institution to the point that the Real Presence was not proclaimed. More importantly, the increasing coercion of the civil authorities into church affairs was viewed as a new threat to Protestant freedom of a kind not seen since the Papacy. In 1822, the Protestant congregations were directed to use only the newly formulated Agenda for worship. This met with strong objections from Lutheran pastors around Prussia. Despite the opposition, 5,343 out of 7,782 Protestant congregations were using the new agenda by 1825. Frederick William III took notice of , who had become his subject by the annexation of Royal Saxon territory in 1816, and who had helped the king to implement the agenda in his Lutheran congregations. In 1823, the king made him the Provost of St. Petri Church(then the highest ranking ecclesiastical office in Berlin) and an Oberkonsistorialrat (supreme consistorial councillor) and thus a member of the Marcher Consistory. He became an influential confidant of the king and one of his privy councillors and a referee to Minister Stein zum Altenstein. After in 1818, 16 provincial synods – in German parlance a synod is a church parliament rather than the district it represents – had convened. Minister Stein zum Altenstein and the King were disappointed over the outcome, especially after the Marcher provincial synod, disliking the whole idea of parishioners' participation in church governance. The king then preferred a rather top down organization and introduced the ecclesiastical leadership function of general superintendents, which had already existed in some provinces before the reform. In 1828, Neander was appointed first General Superintendent of the Kurmark (1829–1853). Thus Neander fought in three fields for the new agenda, on the governmental level, within the church, and in the general public, by publications such as Luther in Beziehung auf die evangelische Kirchen Agende in den Königlich Preussischen Landen (1827). In 1830, the king bestowed him the very unusual, title of honorary bishop. The king also bestowed titles on other collaborators in implementing the Union, with the honorary title of bishop, such as Eylert (1824), (1832), and (1836). Debate and opposition to the new agenda persisted until 1829, when a revised edition of the agenda was produced. This liturgy incorporated a greater level of elements from the Lutheran liturgical tradition. With this introduction, the dissent against the agenda was greatly reduced. However, a significant minority felt this was merely a temporary political compromise with which the king could continue his ongoing campaign to establish a civil authority over their freedom of conscience. In June 1829, Frederick William ordered that all Protestant congregations and clergy in Prussia give up the names Lutheran or Reformed and take up the name Evangelical. The decree was not to enforce a change of belief or denomination, but was only a change of nomenclature. Subsequently, the term Evangelical (link=no) became the usual general expression for Protestant in the German language. In April 1830, Frederick William, in his instructions for the upcoming celebration of the 300th anniversary of the presentation of the Augsburg Confession, ordered all Protestant congregations in Prussia to celebrate the Lord's Supper using the new agenda. Rather than having the unifying effect that Frederick William desired, the decree created a great deal of dissent amongst Lutheran congregations. In 1830, Johann Gottfried Scheibel, professor of theology at the Silesian Frederick William's University, founded in Breslau the first Lutheran congregation in Prussia, independent of the Union and outside of its umbrella organisation Evangelical Church in the Royal Prussian Lands. In a compromise with some dissenters, who had now earned the name Old Lutherans, in 1834 Frederick William issued a decree, which stated that Union would only be in the areas of governance, and in the liturgical agenda, and that the respective congregations could retain their denominational identities. However, in a bid to quell future dissensions of his Union, dissenters were also forbidden from organising sectarian groups. In defiance of this decree, a number of Lutheran pastors and congregations – like that in Breslau  – believing it was contrary to the Will of God to obey the king's decree, continued to use the old liturgical agenda and sacramental rites of the Lutheran church. Becoming aware of this defiance, officials sought out those who acted against the decree. Pastors who were caught were suspended from their ministry. If suspended pastors were caught acting in a pastoral role, they were imprisoned. Having now shown his hand as a tyrant bent on oppressing their religious freedom, and under continual police surveillance, the Evangelical Church in the Royal Prussian Lands began disintegrating.

By 1835, many dissenting Old Lutheran groups were looking to emigration as a means to finding religious freedom. Some groups emigrated to the United States and to Australia in the years leading up to 1840. They formed what are today the Lutheran Church–Missouri Synod (the second largest Lutheran denomination in the U. S), and the Lutheran Church of Australia, respectively. With the death of Frederick William III in 1840, King Frederick William IV ascended to the throne. He released the pastors who had been imprisoned, and allowed the dissenting groups to form religious organisations in freedom. In 1841, the Old Lutherans who had stayed in Prussia convened in a general synod in Breslau and founded the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Prussia, which merged in 1972 with Old Lutheran church bodies in other German states to become today's Independent Evangelical Lutheran Church (link=no, or SELK). On 23 July 1845, the royal government recognised the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Prussia and its congregations as legal entities. In the same year the Evangelical Church in the Royal Prussian Lands reinforced its self conception as the Prussian State's church and was renamed as the Evangelical State Church of Prussia (link=no).

At the instigation of Frederick William IV the Anglican Church of England and the Evangelical Church in the Royal Prussian Lands founded the Anglican Evangelical Bishopric in Jerusalem (1841–1886). Its bishops and clergy proselytised in the Holy Land among the non Muslim native population and German immigrants, such as the Templers. But Calvinist, Evangelical, and Lutheran expatriates in the Holy Land from Germany and Switzerland also joined the German speaking congregations. A number of congregations of Arabic or German language emerged in Beit Jalla (Ar. ), Beit Sahour (Ar. ), Bethlehem of Judea (Ar. ), German Colony (Haifa) (Ger. ), American Colony (Jaffa) (Ger. ), Jerusalem (Ar. a. Ger. ), Nazareth (Ar. ), and Waldheim (Ger.). With financial aid from Prussia, other German states, the Association of Jerusalem, the Evangelical Association for the Construction of Churches, and others, a number of churches and other premises were built. But there were also congregations of emigrants and expatriates in other areas of the Ottoman Empire (2), as well as in Argentina (3), Brazil (10), Bulgaria (1), Chile (3), Egypt (2), Italy (2), the Netherlands (2), Portugal (1), Romania (8), Serbia (1), Spain (1), Switzerland (1), United Kingdom (5), and Uruguay (1) and the foreign department of the Evangelical Supreme Church Council (see below) stewarded them.

With the end of the Prussian monarchy in 1918 also the king's function as summus episcopus (Supreme Governor of the Evangelical Church) ceased to exist. Furthermore, the Weimar Constitution of 1919 decreed the separation of state and religion. Thus its new constitution of 29 September 1922 the Evangelical State Church of Prussia's older Provinces reorganised in 1922 under the name Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union (link=no, EKapU or ApU). which existed separately from the Evangelical Augsburg Church in Poland until 1945, when most of the former's congregants fled the approaching Soviet army or were subsequently denaturalised by Poland due to their German native language and expelled (1945–1950). The United Evangelical Church in Poland also incorporated the Evangelical congregations in Pomerellia, ceded by Germany to Poland in February 1920, which prior used to belong to the Ecclesiastical Province of West Prussia, as well as the congregations in Soldau and 32 further East Prussian municipalities, which Germany ceded to Poland on 10 January 1920, prior belonging to the Ecclesiastical Province of East Prussia. The 17 congregations in East Upper Silesia, ceded to Poland in 1922, constituted on 6 June 1923 as United Evangelical Church in Polish Upper Silesia (link=no, link=no). The church formed an old Prussian ecclesiastical province until May 1937, when the German Polish Geneva Accord on Upper Silesia expired. Thus the plesbiscite missed the minimum turnout and failed. A problem was the spiritual vacuum, which emerged after the church stopped being a state church. Otto Dibelius, since 1925 general superintendent of Kurmark within the Ecclesiastical Province of the March of Brandenburg, published his book Das Jahrhundert der Kirche (The century of the Church), in which he declared the 20th century to be the era when the Evangelical Church may for the first time develop freely and gain the independence God would have wished for, without the burden and constraints of the state church function. He regarded the role of the church as even the more important, since the state of the Weimar Republic – in his eyes – would not provide the society with binding norms any more, thus this would be the task of the church. The church would have to stand for the defense of the Christian culture of the Occident. In this respect Dibelius regarded himself as consciously anti Jewish, explaining in a circular to the pastors in his general superintendency district of Kurmark, "that with all degenerating phenomena of modern civilisation Judaism plays a leading role". His book was one of the most read on church matters in that period. However, these secessions were still compensated by baptisands and migrants. In the early and mid 1920s the annual number of secessions amounted to about 80,000. Especially in the country side, there often were no developed Kirchenparteien, thus activist congregants formed common lists of candidates of many different opinions. In the inter war years the general synod convened five times. All those, covering the territory of former monarchies with a ruling Protestant dynasty, had been state churches until 1918 – except of the Protestant church bodies of territories annexed by Prussia in 1866. Others had been no less territorially defined Protestant minority church bodies within states of Catholic monarchs, where – before 1918 – the Roman Catholic Church played the role of state church. In fact, a merger was permanently under discussion, but never materialised due to strong regional self confidence and traditions as well as the denominational fragmentation into Lutheran, Calvinist and United and uniting churches. Following the Schweizerischer Evangelischer Kirchenbund (Swiss Federation of Protestant Churches) of 1920, the then 29 territorially defined German Protestant church bodies founded the Deutscher Evangelischer Kirchenbund (German Federation of Protestant Churches) in 1922, which was no new merged church, but a loose confederacy of the existing independent church bodies.

In the period of the Third Reich the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union fell into deep disunity. Most clerics, representatives and parishioners welcomed the Nazi takeover. Most Protestants suggested that the mass arrests, following the abolition of central civic rights by Paul von Hindenburg on 28 February 1933, hit the right persons. On 20 March 1933 Dachau concentration camp, the first official premise of its kind, was opened, while 150,000 hastily arrested inmates were held in hundreds of spontaneous so called wild concentration camps, to be gradually evacuated into about 100 new official camps to be opened until the end of 1933. On 21 March 1933 the newly elected Reichstag convened in the Evangelical Garrison Church of Potsdam, an event commemorated as the Day of Potsdam, and the locally competent Gen. Supt. Dibelius preached. The Nazi Reich's government, aiming at streamlining the Protestant churches, recognised the German Christians as its means to do so. On 4 and 5 April 1933 representatives of the German Christians convened in Berlin and demanded the dismissal of all members of the executive bodies of the 28 Protestant church bodies in Germany. The German Christians demanded their ultimate merger into a uniform German Protestant Church, led according to the Nazi Führerprinzip by a Reich's Bishop (link=no), abolishing all democratic participation of parishioners in presbyteries and synods. The German Christians announced the appointment of a Reich's Bishop for 31 October 1933, the Reformation Day holiday. Furthermore, the German Christians demanded to purify Protestantism of all Jewish patrimony. Judaism should no longer be regarded a religion, which can be adopted and given up, but a racial category which were genetic. Thus German Christians opposed proselytising among Jews. Protestantism should become a pagan kind heroic pseudo Nordic religion. Of course the Old Testament, which includes the Ten Commandments and the virtue of charity (taken from the Torah, Book of Leviticus : "Thou shalt not avenge, nor bear any grudge against the children of thy people, but thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself: I am the LORD. "), was to be abandoned. In a mood of an emergency through an impending Nazi takeover functionaries of the then officiating executive bodies of the 28 Protestant church bodies stole a march on the German Christians. Functionaries and activists worked hastily on negotiating between the 28 Protestant church bodies a legally indoubtable unification on 25 April 1933 three men convened, Hermann Kapler, president of the old Prussian Evangelical Supreme Church Council – representing United Protestantism – August Marahrens, state bishop of the Evangelical Lutheran State Church of Hanover (for the Lutherans), and the Reformed Hermann Albert Klugkist Hesse, director of the preacher seminary in Wuppertal, to prepare the constitution of a united church which they called the German Evangelical Church too. This caused the later confusion when the streamlined Reich church and the Confessing Church alike identified as being the legitimate church of that name. The Nazi government compelled the negotiators to include its representative, the former army chaplain Ludwig Müller from Königsberg, a devout German Christian. The plans were to dissolve the German Evangelical Church Confederation and the 28 church bodies and to replace them by a uniform Protestant church, to be called the German Evangelical Church (link=no). On 27 May 1933 representatives of the 28 church bodies gathered in Berlin, and, against a minority voting for Ludwig Müller, elected Friedrich von Bodelschwingh, head of the Bethel Institution and member of the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union, Reich's Bishop, a newly created title. The German Christians strictly opposed that election, because Bodelschwingh was not their partisan. Thus the Nazis, who were permanently breaking the law, stepped in, using the streamlined Prussian government, and declared the functionaries had exceeded their authority.

Once the Nazi government figured out that the Protestant church bodies would not be streamlined from within using the German Christians, they abolished the constitutional freedom of religion and religious organisation, declaring the unauthorised election of Bodelschwingh had created a situation contravening the constitutions of the Protestant churches, and on these grounds, on 24 June the Nazi Minister of Cultural Affairs, Bernhard Rust appointed August Jäger as Prussian State Commissioner for the Prussian ecclesiastical affairs (link=no). This act clearly violated the status of the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union as statutory body (link=no) and subjecting it to Jäger's orders (see Struggle of the Churches, link=no). Bodelschwingh resigned as Reich's Bishop the same day. On 28 June Jäger appointed Müller as new Reich's Bishop and on 6 July as leader of the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union, then with 18 million parishioners by far the biggest Protestant church body within Germany, with 41 million Protestants altogether (total population: 62 millions). Kapler resigned as president of the Evangelical Supreme Church Council, after he had applied for retirement on 3 June, and Gen. Supt. Wilhelm Haendler (competent for Berlin's suburbia), then presiding the March of Brandenburg Consistory retired for age reasons. ), Dibelius, Max Diestel (superintendent of the Cölln Land I deanery in the southwestern suburbs of Berlin), Emil Karow (general superintendent of Berlin inner city), and Ernst Vits (general superintendent of Lower Lusatia and the New March), thus decapitating the complete spiritual leadership of the Ecclesiastical Province of the March of Brandenburg. Then the German Christian Dr. iur. Friedrich Werner (jurisprudent) was appointed as provisional president of the Evangelical Supreme Church Council, which he remained after his official appointment by the re elected old Prussian general synod until 1945. The new synods of the 28 Protestant churches were to declare their dissolution as separate church bodies. Representatives of all 28 Protestant churches were to attend the newly created National Synod to confirm Müller as Reich's Bishop. Müller already now regarded himself as leader of that new organisation. He established a Spiritual Ministerium (link=no, seated in Berlin, Marchstraße # 2 in the former premises of the German Evangelical Church Confederation), being the executive body, consisting of four persons, who were not to be elected, but whom he appointed himself.

On 11 September 1933 Gerhard Jacobi gathered c. 60 opposing pastors, who clearly saw the breach of Christian and Protestant principles. Weschke and Günter Jacob proposed to found the Emergency Covenant of Pastors (link=no), and so they did, electing Pastor Niemöller their president. a new Protestant church was to be established, since the official organisation was anti Christian, heretical and therefore illegitimate. Each pastor joining the Covenant – until the end of September 1933 2,036 out of a total of 18,842 Protestant pastors in Germany acceded – had to sign that he rejected the Aryan paragraph.

On 18 September 1933 Werner was appointed praeses of the old Prussian general synod, thus becoming president of the church senate. For more and more purposes Germans had to prove their so called Aryan descent, which usually was confirmed by copies from the baptismal registers of the churches, certifying that all four grandparents had been baptised. Some pastors soon understood, that people lacking four baptised grandparents are helped a lot – and later even rescued their lives – if they were certified to be Aryan by false copies from the baptismal registers. Pastor Paul Braune (Lobetal, a part of today's Bernau bei Berlin) issued a memorandum, secretly handed out to pastors of confidence, how to falsify the best. But the majority of pastors in their legalist attitude would not issue false copies. On 13 November 20,000 German Christians convened in the Berlin Sportpalast for a general meeting. Dr. Reinhold Krause, then president of the Greater Berlin section of the German Christians, held a speech, defaming the Old Testament for its alleged "Jewish morality of rewards" (link=no), and demanding the cleansing of the New Testament from the "scapegoat mentality and theology of inferiority" (link=no), whose emergence Krause attributed to the Rabbi (Sha'ul) Paul of Tarsos. A wave of protest flooded over the German Christians, which ultimately initiated the decline of that movement. On 25 November the complete Bavarian section of the German Christians declared its secession. So Krause was dismissed from his functions with the German Christians and the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union. Krause's dismissal again made the radical Thuringian subsection declare its secession by the end of November. However the German Christian functionaries on the higher levels mostly remained aboard. On 4 January 1934 Ludwig Müller, claiming to have by his title as Reich's Bishop legislative power for all Protestant church bodies in Germany, issued the so called muzzle decree, which forbade any debate about the struggle of the churches within the rooms, bodies and media of the church. The Emergency Covenant of Pastors answered this decree by a declaration read by opposing pastors from their pulpits on 7 and 14 January. Müller then prompted the arrestment or disciplinary procedures against about 60 pastors alone in Berlin, who had been denounced by spies or congregants of German Christian affiliation. The Gestapo tapped Niemöller's phone and thus learned about his and Walter Künneth's plan to personally plea Hitler for a dismissal of Ludwig Müller. The Gestapo – playing divide et impera – publicised their intention as a conspiracy and so the Lutheran church leaders Marahrens, Meiser, and Wurm distanced themselves from Niemöller on 26 January. Thus having usurped the power the German Christian Müller forbade his unwelcome competitor as church leader, the German Christian Werner, to discharge his duties as praeses of the Church Senate and president of the Evangelical Supreme Church Council. Werner then sued Müller at the Landgericht I in Berlin. The verdict would have major consequences for the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union. Also opponents, legally consulted by Judge Günther (judge at the Landgericht court), Horst Holstein, Friedrich Justus Perels, and Friedrich Weißler, covered Ludwig Müller and his willing subordinates with a wave of litigations in the ordinary courts in order to reach verdicts on his arbitrary anticonstitutional measures. Since Müller had acted without legal basis the courts usually proved the litigants to be right. On 3 February Müller decreed another ordinance to send functionaries against their will into early retirement. Müller thus further cleansed the staff in the consistories, the Evangelical Supreme Church Council and the deaneries from opponents. On 1 March Müller pensioned Niemöller off, the latter and his Dahlem Congregation simply ignored that. Willy Hahn, Oberstudienrat Georg Lindner, H. Michael, Willy Praetorius, Rabenau, Scharf, Regierunsgrat Kurt Siehe, and Heinrich Vogel, presided by Gerhard Jacobi. The Gestapo shut down one office of the provincial brethren council after the other. Werner Zillich and Max Moelter were the executive directors, further collaborators were Elisabeth Möhring (sister of the opposing pastor Gottfried Möhring at St. Catharine's Church in Brandenburg upon Havel) and Senta Maria Klatt (Congregation of St. John's Church, Berlin Moabit). The Gestapo summoned her more than 40 times and tried to intimidate her, confronting her with the fact that she, being partly of Jewish descent, would have to realise the worst possible treatment in jail. In the eleven deaneries covering Greater Berlin, six were led by superintendents, who joined the Emergency Covenant of Pastors. Especially among the many rural Pietists in the Ecclesiastical Province of Pomerania the opposition found considerable support. While the German Christians, holding the majority in most official church bodies, lost many supporters, the Confessing Christians, comprising many authentical persuasive activists, still remained a minority but increased their number. As compared to the vast majority of indifferent, non observing Protestants, both movements were marginal. One pre 1918 tradition of non ecclesiastical influence within church structures had made it into the new constitution of the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union of 1922. Many of the churches, which had been founded before the 19th century, had a patron holding the ius patronatus, meaning that either the owner of a manor estate (in the countryside) or a political municipality or city was in charge of maintaining the church buildings and paying the pastor. No pastor could be appointed without the consent of the patron (advowson). This became a curse and a blessing during the Nazi period. While all political entities were Nazi streamlined they abused the patronage to appoint Nazi submissive pastors on the occasion of a vacancy. Also estate owners sometimes sided with the Nazis. But more estate owners were conservative and thus rather backed the opposition in the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union. So the congregations under their patronage could often keep or appoint anew a pastor of the intra church opposition. On 9 August 1934 the Second National Synod, with all synodals again admitted by the Spiritual Ministerium, severed the uniformation of the formerly independent Protestant church bodies, disenfranchising their respective synods to decide in internal church matters. These pretensions increased the criticism among church members within the streamlined church bodies. On 23 September 1934 Ludwig Müller was inaugurated in a church ceremony as Reich's Bishop. The Lutheran church bodies of Bavaria right of the river Rhine and Württemberg again refused to merge in September 1934. The imprisonment of their leaders, Bishop Meiser and Bishop Wurm, evoked public protests of congregants in Bavaria right of the river Rhine and Württemberg. Thus the Nazi Reich's government saw, that the German Christians aroused more and more unrest among Protestants, rather driving people into opposition to the government, than domesticating Protestantism as useful beadle for the Nazi reign. A breakthrough was the verdict of 20 November 1934. The court Landgericht I in Berlin decided that all decisions, taken by Müller since he decreed the Führerprinzip within the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union on 26 January, the same year, were to be reversed. Meanwhile, Niemöller and other Confessing Church activists organised the second Reich's Synod of Confession in Berlin's Dahlem Congregation on 19 and 20 October 1934. The synodals elected by all confessing congregations and the congregations of the intact churches decided to found an independent German Evangelical Church. Since the confessing congregations would have to contravene the laws as interpreted by the official church bodies, the synod developed an emergency law of its own. For the destroyed church of the old Prussian Union they provided for each congregation, taken over by a German Christian majority a so called brethren council (link=no) as provisional presbytery, and a Confessing congregation assembly (link=no) to parallelise the congregants' representation. The Confessing congregations of each deanery formed a Confessing deanery synod (link=no), electing a deanery brethren council (link=no). If the superintendent of a deanery clung to the Confessing Church, he was accepted, otherwise a deanery pastor (link=no) was elected from the midst of the Confessing pastors in the deanery. Confessing congregants elected synodals for a Confessing provincial synod as well as Confessing State synod (link=no), who again elected a provincial brethren council or the state brethren council of the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union (colloquially old Prussian brethren council), and a council of the Confessing ecclesiastical province (link=no of the respective ecclesiastical province) or the council of the Confessing Church of the old Prussian Union, the respective administrative bodies. Any obedience to the official bodies of the destroyed church of the old Prussian Union was to be rejected. The Confessing Christians integrated the existing bodies of the opposition – such as the brethren councils of the Emergency Covenant of Pastors, and the independent synods (est. starting in January 1934) , or established the described parallel structures anew all over the area of the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union in November 1934. But soon Barth, Hesse, and Niemöller found the first Preliminary Church Executive to be too compromising so that these Dahlemites resigned from the Reich's Brethren Council. Between end of 1934 and March 1937 the central office of the Preliminary Church Executive was located in the Burckhardt Haus of the school for social workers (link=no) of the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union in Berlin's then # 27, Friedbergstraße (now Rudeloffstraße). With the verdict of the Landgericht I, and this turn in Hitler's policy Jäger resigned from his office as state commissioner. Müller refused to resign as Reich's bishop but had to unwind all measures taken to forcefully unite the church bodies. So besides the Confessing Church of the old Prussian Union, founded in October 1934 also the official, German Christian dominated Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union reconstituted in November. The second old Prussian Synod of Confession (also old Prussian Dahlem Synod) convened in Berlin Dahlem on 4 and 5 March 1935. The synodals decided that the Confessing Church of the old Prussian Union should unite with the destroyed official Church of the old Prussian Union. The synodals further adopted a declaration about the Nazi racist doctrine. The same month the declaration was read in all confessing congregations, that the Nazi racist doctrine, claiming there were a Jewish and an Aryan race, was pure mysticism. In reaction to that the Nazi government arrested 700 pastors, who had read this declaration from their pulpits. The official church ordered to read a declaration demanding the parishioners' obedience to the Nazi government. On Sunday Judica (7 April 1935) Confessing pastors held rogations for the imprisoned Confessing Christians. From then on every Tuesday the brethren councils issued updated lists with the names of the imprisoned. Since the 28 Protestant church bodies in Germany levied contributions from their parishioners by a surcharge on the income tax, collected and then transferred by the state tax offices, the official church bodies denied the confessing congregations their share in the contributions. Each congregation had its own budget and the official church authorities transferred the respective share in the revenues to the legitimate presbytery of each congregations, be it governed by German Christians or Confessing Christians. The Nazi Reich's government now intended to drain this financial influx by a new decree with the euphemising title Law on the Wealth Formation within the Evangelical Church Bodies (11 March 1935). Thus the Nazi Reich's government subjected the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union to governmental financial control. All budgets and remittances were to be confirmed by state comptrollers. On 11 April an ordinance ordered that salaries were only to be remitted to orderly appointed employees and all future appointments of whomsoever, would only take effect with the consent of the financial departments. Consistorial Councillor von Arnim Kröchlendorff, a proponent of the Confessing Church, was appointed leader of the financial department for Berlin. He turned out to ignore the rules and to largely use his scope of discretion. But many other financial departments were chaired by sharp Nazi officials. Thus Confessing congregations outside of Berlin built up a new network of escrow accounts. All lawsuits on church matters, some still pending since 1 May 1933, were to be decided by the Decision Taking Office. Orderly courts could not overrule its decisions. With this power the Decision Taking Office blackmailed the Confessing Church to compromise. The Decision Taking Office refrained from acting as long as the Confessing Church co operated. In fact the Decision Taking Office only acted up after the compromises failed in 1937. In the following years of compromising Hermann Ehlers became a legal advisor of the old Prussian brethren council, until he was arrested from June to July 1937, which made him quit his collaboration.

On 16 July 1935 Hanns Kerrl was appointed Reich's minister for ecclesiastical affairs, a newly created department. On 10 September 1935 the old Prussian brethren council convened preparing the upcoming third old Prussian Synod of Confession (also Steglitz Synod). On 26 September, Confessing synodals from all over the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union convened for the third old Prussian Synod of Confession in the parish hall of Berlin's Steglitz Congregation in Albrechtstraße No. 81, organised by congregants of Mark's Church Südende, Berlin. , since 1932 director of the Evangelical Welfare Office for Berlin's borough of Zehlendorf (a part of today's borough of Steglitz Zehlendorf), appealed to the synodals to take action for the persecuted Jews and Christians of Jewish descent. In her memorandum she explained – among other things – that a third of the so called non Aryan Protestants was unemployed due to the ever growing number of jobs prohibited for Jews as defined by the Nuremberg Laws. She found clear words, calling the systematical impoverishment a Cold Pogrom, aiming for and resulting in – as shown by the demographic development of German Jewry under Nazi persecution so far – the extinction of the German Jewry. She quoted a criticism from the Church of Sweden, saying the new god of the Germans was the Race, to which they would offer human sacrifices. While Supt. Albertz and Niemöller argued to discuss the memorandum, a majority of synodals refused and the memorandum was then laid ad acta. The synodals could only gain common sense about the fact, that persons of Jewish religion, were to be baptised, if they wished so. This was completely denied by the German Christians since 1932, reserving Christianity as a religion exclusively for Gentiles, but also some Confessing Christians refused the baptism of Jews. Kerrl managed to gain the very respected Wilhelm Zoellner (a Lutheran, until 1931 general superintendent of Westphalia) to form the Reich's Ecclesiastical Committee (link=no, RKA) on 3 October 1935, combining neutral, moderate Confessing Christians and moderate German Christians to reconcile the disputing church parties. So also the official German Evangelical Church became subordinate to the new bureaucracy, Ludwig Müller lost his say, but still retained the now meaningless titles of German Reich's Bishop and old Prussian State Bishop. In the course of November state ecclesiastical committees and provincial ecclesiastical committees were to be formed. Kerrl appointed a state ecclesiastical committee (link=no, LKA) for the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union, led by Karl Eger, and further staffed with Supreme Consistorial Councillor Walter Kaminski (Königsberg), Pastor Theodor Kuessner (praeses of the East Prussian provincial Synod of Confession), Pastor Ernst Martin (Magdeburg), Supt. Wilhelm Ewald Schmidt (Oberhausen) und Supt. Richard Zimmermann (Bartholomew Church, Berlin, and praeses of the city synod of Berlin). In November Kerrl decreed the parallel institutions of the Confessing Church to be dissolved, which was protested and ignored by the brethren councils. On 19 December Kerrl issued a decree which forbade all kinds of Confessing Church activities, namely appointments of pastors, education, examinations, ordinations, ecclesiastical visitations, announcements and declarations from the pulpit, separate financial structures and convening Synods of Confession; further the decree established provincial ecclesiastical committees. Thus the brethren councils had to go into hiding. The Confessing Church in the Rhenish and Westphalian ecclesiastical provinces blocked in fact the formation of provincial ecclesiastical committees until 14 February 1936. As a gesture of reconciliation the state ecclesiastical committee for the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union legitimised all ordinations and examinations of the Confessing Church retroactively for the time from 1 January 1934 to 30 November 1935. Nevertheless, the Confessing Church refused to accept the new examination office of the state ecclesiastical committee. But Künneth (Inner Mission) and a number of renowned professors of the Frederick William University of Berlin, who worked for the Confessing Church before, declared their readiness to collaborate with the committee, to wit Prof. Alfred Bertholet, Gustav Adolf Deissmann (Volkskirchlich Evangelische Vereinigung; VEV. At the fourth Reich's Synod of Confession in Bad Oeynhausen (17–22 February 1936) the Dahlemites fell out with most of the Lutheran Confessing Christians. The first Preliminary Church Executive resigned, since its members, representing intact churches, wanted to co operate with the committees, while its members from destroyed churches, especially the Dahlemites did not. On 18 March the three Lutheran intact churches announced the foundation of the Council of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Germany (link=no, colloquially Lutherrat, Luther council) as their own umbrella organisation. The brethren councils of the Lutheran destroyed churches of Brunswick, Lübeck, Mecklenburg, the Free State of Saxony, Schleswig Holstein, and Thuringia as well as some Lutheran confessing congregations within the territories of the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union recognised this umbrella. The authors concluded that the Nazi regime will definitely lead the German people into disaster. Since Weißler was a Protestant of Jewish descent he was not taken to court, where the evidentially false blaming would have been easily unveiled, but deported to Sachsenhausen concentration camp and tortured to death from 13 to 19 February 1937 becoming the first lethal victim of the Kirchenkampf on the Protestant side. From 2 July 1936 until 1945 Heinrich Himmler, Reichsführer SS, captured the Quedlinburg based Church of St Servatius of the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union and profaned it as a pagan place of worship in the scope of the garbled ideas of the SS about a neo Germanic religion. On 15 December 1936 the old Prussian brethren council issued a declaration, authored by Fritz Müller, criticising the compromising and shortcomings in the policy of the ecclesiastical committees. On the next day until the 18th the fourth old Prussian Synod of Confession (also Breslau Synod) convened in Breslau, discussing the work of the ecclesiastical committees and how to continue the education and ordinations in the scope of the Confessing Church. The open gap in governance of the official Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union was filled by the still existing Evangelical Supreme Church Council under Werner and by the consistories on the provincial level. For Hitler's birthday (20 April 1938) Werner developed a special gift. All pastors of the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union should swear an oath of allegiance to Hitler. In May the seventh Synod of Confession of the Rhenish ecclesiastical province refused to comply, since it was not the state, which demanded the oath. The sixth old Prussian Synod of Confession convened twice in Berlin, once in the Nikolassee Church (11–13 June 1938) and a second time in the parish hall of the Steglitz Congregation (31 July). In Nikolassee the oath was much under discussion, however, no decision was taken, but delayed – until further information would be available. At the second meeting in Steglitz a majority of synodals complied to Werner's demand. In August Martin Bormann, the Reich's leader of the Nazi party, declared that Hitler was not interested in an oath. However, the consistories demanded the oath, but in the Rhenish ecclesiastical province only 184 out 800 pastors refused to swear. In summer 1938 Kerrl reappeared on the scene with a new attempt to unite the church parties from their midst, using a federation named Wittenberger Bund, initiated Friedrich Buschtöns (German Christians), Theodor Ellwein, and Prof. Helmuth Kittel, all members of the Evangelical Supreme Church Council. Kerrl failed again.

The ever growing discrimination of Jewish Germans (including the special category of Geltungsjuden) and Gentile Germans of Jewish descent drove them ever deeper into impoverishment. The official church body completely refused to help its persecuted parishioners of Jewish descent, let alone the Germans of Jewish faith. But also the activists of the Confessing Church, bothered about this problem – like Supt. Albertz, Bonhoeffer, Charlotte Friedenthal, Pastor Heinrich Grüber (Jesus Church (Berlin Kaulsdorf)), Hermann Maas, Meusel, Pastor could not prevail with their concern to help under the umbrella of the Confessing Church, since also among the opponents many, Lutherans more than Calvinists, had anti Jewish affects or were completely occupied with maintaining the true Protestant faith under state suppression. Even though the opponents managed to fight the Aryan paragraph within the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union (Ludwig Müller abrogated it on 16 November 1934), it took the Confessing Church until summer 1938 to build up a network for the persecuted. In early 1933 Friedrich Siegmund Schultze proposed the foundation of an International Relief Committee for German (Evangelical, Catholic and Mosaic) Emigrants (link=no). The project was in a tailspin since the oecumenical partners in the US demanded to exclude persons of Jewish faith, before it definitely failed because the Nazi government expelled Siegmund Schultze from Germany. In July 1933 Christian Germans of Jewish descent had founded a self help organisation, first named Reich's Federation of non Aryan Christians (link=no), then renamed into Paul's Covenant (link=no) after the famous Jewish convert to Christianity (Sha'ul) Paul of Tarsos, presided by the known literary historian In early 1937 the Nazi government forbade that organisation, allowing a new successor organisation Association 1937 (link=no), which was prohibited to accept members – like Spiero – with three or four grandparents, who had been enrolled with a Jewish congregation. Thus that new association had lost its most prominent leaders and faded, having become an organisation of so called Mischlinge of Nazi terminology. Spiero opened his private relief office in Brandenburgische Straße No. 41 (Berlin). On 31 January 1936 the International Church Relief Commission for German Refugees constituted in London – with Supt. Albertz representing the Confessing Church – but its German counterpart never materialised. So Bishop George Bell gained his sister in law Laura Livingstone to run an office for the international relief commission in Berlin. She joined the office of Spiero. The failure of the Confessing Church was evident, even though 70–80% of the Christian Germans of Jewish descent were Protestants. In August 1938 the Nazi government forced Jewish Germans and Gentile Germans of Jewish descent to adopt the middle names Israel or Sara and to use them on any occasion, such as signatures, visit cards, letters, addresses and firm and name signs. It was Grüber and some enthusiasts, who had started a new effort in 1936. They forced the Confessing Church's hand, which in 1938 supported the new organisation, named by the Gestapo Bureau Grüber, but after its official recognition Relief Centre for Evangelical Non Aryans. Until May 1939 25 regional offices could be opened, led by those executive directors of the provincial Inner Mission premises, who clung to the Confessing Church or the latter's other mandatees. Supt. Albertz, Pastor Adolf Kurtz (Twelve Apostles Church, Berlin), and Livingstone collaborated. The Bureau was mainly busy with supporting the re education in other vocations, not (yet) prohibited for Jewish Germans and Gentile Germans of Jewish descent, and with finding nations of exile, who would grant immigration visa. As long as the Nazis' decision, to murder all persons they considered as Jews, had not yet been taken, the Bureau gained some government recognition as an agency, promoting the emigration of the concerned persons. In the night of 9 November 1938 the Nazi government organised the November Pogrom, often euphemised as Kristallnacht. The well organised Nazi squads killed several hundreds, set nine out of 12 major synagogues in Berlin on fire (1,900 synagogues all over Germany), 1,200 Jewish Berliners were deported to Sachsenhausen concentration camp. All over Germany altogether 30,000 male Jews were arrested, among them almost all the 115 Protestant pastors with three or four grandparents, who had been enrolled as members of a Jewish congregation. Many men went into hiding from arrestment and also appeared at Grüber's home in the rectory of the Jesus Church (Berlin Kaulsdorf). Grüber organised their hiding in the cottages in the allotment clubs in his parish. The Nazis only released the arrested inmates, if they would immediately emigrate. Thus getting visa became the main target and problem. While Bishop George Bell tried and managed to rescue many of the imprisoned pastors, successfully persuading the Church of England to provide them through the British government with British visa, the official Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union did not even try to intervene in favour of its imprisoned clergy. Thus none of the Protestant pastors of Jewish descent remained in or returned to office. Also the many other inmates had no advocate of such influence like the Church of England. On 7 December 1938 the British organisation Hebrew Christian Testimony to Israel relinquished its location in Oranienburger Straße 20/21 to Grüber, who thus moved his Bureau thereto. Kurtz relocated his consultations, until then held in his private home in the rectory of the Twelve Apostles Church (Berlin), into the new office location. The staff of the Bureau Grüber grew to five persons on 19 December, then 30 in February 1939 and finally 35 by July the same year. Pastor Werner Sylten, who had been fired – on the grounds of his partially Jewish descent – by his employer, the German Christian dominated Thuringian Evangelical Church, joined the work. Sylten found additional office rooms in the street An der Stechbahn #3–4 opposite to the southern façade of the Berlin City Castle, and on 25 January 1939 the Bureau's emigration department, led by Ministerial Counsel rtrd. Paul Heinitz, moved into the new location. Grüber's wife, Marianne, née Vits, sold her IG Farben shares to finance the rent of the new location. Livingstone led the department for the British Commonwealth, Werner Hirschwald the Latin American section and Sylvia Wolff the Scandinavian. Sylten became his deputy. In February 1939 the Reich's ministry of the interior combined the work of all offices busy with expelling Jewish Germans and Gentile Germans of Jewish descent in the Reich's central office for Jewish Emigration (link=no), led by Reinhard Heydrich. Adolf Eichmann came to doubtable fame for expelling 50,000 Jewish Austrians and Gentile Austrians of Jewish descent within only three months after the Anschluß. Thus he was commissioned to expel Jewish Germans and Gentile Germans of Jewish descent within the old Reich's borders. From September 1939 the Bureau Grüber had to subordinate to the supervision by Eichmann, who worked as Special Referee for the Affairs of the Jews (link=no) in an office in Kurfürstenstraße #115–116, Berlin. Eichmann asked Grüber in a meeting about Jewish emigration why Grüber, not having any Jewish family and with no prospect for any thank, does help the Jews. Grüber answered because the Good Samaritan did so, and my Lord told me to do so. From 1 March 1939 the Nazi Reich's government commissioned the Reichsvertretung der Deutschen Juden to levy a new tax from Jewish emigrants (link=no), charging wealthier emigrants in order to finance the emigration of the poorer. The due was also used to finance the different recognised associations organising emigration. From 1 July on the Reichsvertretung remitted a monthly subsidy of Reichsmark (ℛℳ) 5,000 to the Bureau Grüber. Also the intact Evangelical Lutheran Church in Bavaria right of the river Rhine co financed the work of Grüber's organisation with annually ℛℳ 10,000. By July the office of Spiero and Livingstone had merged into the Bureau Grüber. All in all the Bureau Grüber enabled the emigration of 1,139 persons from October 1938 – August 1939 and 580 between July 1939 and October 1940, according to different sources. Minister Rust had banned all pupils of Jewish descent from attending public schools from 15 November 1938 on. So Pastor Kurtz and Vicar Klara Hunsche opened an Evangelical school in January 1939 in the rectory of the Twelve Apostles Congregation (An der Apostelkirche No. 3, Berlin). By the end of January the school moved into Oranienburger Straße # 20/21, after Grüber's Emigration department had moved out. The Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland, since July replacing the Reichsvertretung as the new and only central organisation competent for all persons and institutions persecuted as Jewish according to the Nuremberg Laws, supervised the school. Now the school became an Evangelical Catholic oecumenical school, called Familienschule, the pupils named it Grüber School. By autumn 1939 a new degree of persecution loomed. The Nazi authorities started to deport Jewish Austrians and Gentile Austrians of Jewish descent to occupied Poland. On 13 February 1940 the same fate hit 1,200 Jewish Germans and Gentile Germans of Jewish descent and their Gentile spouses from the Stettin Region, who were deported to Lublin. Grüber learned about it by the Wehrmacht commander of Lublin and then protested to every higher ranking superior up to the then Prussian Minister President Hermann Göring, who forbade further deportations from Prussia for the moment. The Gestapo warned Grüber never to take the side of the deported again. The deported were not allowed to return. On 22–23 October, 6,500 Jewish Germans and Gentile Germans of Jewish descent from Baden and the Palatinate were deported to Gurs, occupied France. Now Grüber got himself a passport, with the help of Bonhoeffer's brother in law Hans von Dohnanyi from the Abwehr, to visit the deported in the Gurs (concentration camp). But before he left the Gestapo arrested Grüber on 19 December and deported him two days later to Sachsenhausen concentration camp, and in 1941 to Dachau concentration camp. Since January 1943 Pastor Braune could hide Luise Wolff in the diaconal Hoffnungstal Institution, so she survived. In 1945 right after the war Grüber reopened his Bureau to help the survivors, first in provisional rooms in the deaconesses' Bethany (Berlin) in Berlin Kreuzberg. Then the bureau, named today Evangelical Relief Centre for the formerly Racially Persecuted (link=no), moved to its present site in Berlin Zehlendorf, Teltower Damm #124. In 1950 three quarters of the fostered survivors were unemployed and poor. Many needed psychological help, others wanted support to apply for government compensation for the damages and suffering by the Nazi persecution. In 1958 Grüber established a foundation, running today senior homes and a nursing home, housing about a hundred survivors.

Between 1817 and 1918 the incumbents of the Prussian throne were simultaneously Supreme Governors (summus episcopus) of the Church. Since 1850 – with the strengthening of self rule within the church – additionally the Evangelical Supreme Ecclesiastical Council (Evangelischer Oberkirchenrat, EOK) became the administrative executive body. Its members, titled supreme consistorial councillors (Oberkonsistorialrat, [Oberkonsistorialräte, plural]) were theologians and jurists by vocation. With the end of the monarchy and the summepiscopacy in 1918 and the separation of religion and state by the Weimar constitution in 1919 the church established by its new church order (constitution) an elected governing board in 1922, called the church senate (Kirchensenat), to which the EOK, with reduced competences, became subordinate. The church senate was presided by the praeses of the general synod. With the Nazi regime's interference causing the violation and de facto abolition of the church order, new bodies emerged such as the state bishop (Landesbischof) in 1933, deprived of his power in 1935, the state ecclesiastical committee (Landeskirchenausschuss) since 1935 (dissolved in 1937) and finally the de facto usurpation of governance by the illegitimately appointed president of the EOK since (till 1945). By the end of the war a spontaneously formed provisionally advisory board (Beirat) appointed a new president of the EOK. In 1951 the EOK was renamed into church chancery (Kirchenkanzlei), followed by renaming the church body into Evangelical Church of Union in December 1953.

Before 1922 the praeses only presided over the legislative body of the church, the general synod, thereafter also over the church senate, the new governing body.

Due to the interference of the Nazi regime in the internal affairs of the old Prussian church favorites of the regime could usurp governing positions, and lost them again when dropping into disgrace. The protagonists of the confessing old Prussian church declared the schism to be matter of fact and formed their own governing bodies on 29 May 1934, called the State Brethren Council (Landesbruderrat) of the Evangelical Church of the Old Prussian Union.

The new church order of 1 August 1951, accounting for the transformation of the integrated old Prussian church into an umbrella, replaced the vacant church senate by the Council of the Evangelical Church of the old Prussian Union (Rat der Evangelischen Kirche der altpreußischen Union). Also the followers of the State Brethren Council (Landesbruderrat) could be reintegrated into the church. In December 1953 the term old Prussian was skipped from the names of the church (since: Evangelische Kirche der Union, EKU) and its bodies. The praeses of the general synod was a member of the council, but only spiritual leaders of one of its member churches were elected chairpersons with the one exception of Kurt Scharf, who became only later bishop. Therefore, the chairperson was also called the leading bishop (Leitender Bischof) even though this title is not used for the spiritual leaders of three of the former member churches. Due to the intensifying East German obstruction of cross border cooperation within the Evangelical Church of the Union it formed separate governing bodies for the regions of the GDR with East Berlin and West Germany with West Berlin in 1972. The bodies reunited in 1991.

Akten zur deutschen auswärtigen Politik: Series D (1937–1945), 13 vols., Walter Bußmann (ed. ), vol. 7: 'Die letzten Wochen vor Kriegsausbruch: 9. August bis 3. September 1939', Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1956, p. 171. Helmut Baier, Kirche in Not: Die bayerische Landeskirche im Zweiten Weltkrieg, Neustadt an der Aisch: Degener (in commission), 1979, (=Einzelarbeiten aus der Kirchengeschichte Bayerns; vol. 57). Felicitas Bothe von Richthofen, Widerstand in Wilmersdorf, Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand (ed. ), Berlin: Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand, 1993, (=Schriftenreihe über den Widerstand in Berlin von 1933 bis 1945; vol. 7). Die Bekenntnisse und grundsätzlichen Äußerungen zur Kirchenfrage: 3 vols., Kurt Dietrich Schmidt (ed. ), Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1934–1936, vol. 1. Ursula Büttner, "Von der Kirche verlassen: Die deutschen Protestanten und die Verfolgung der Juden und Christen jüdischer Herkunft im »Dritten Reich"", in: Die verlassenen Kinder der Kirche: Der Umgang mit Christen jüdischer Herkunft im "Dritten Reich", Ursula Büttner and Martin Greschat (eds. ), Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1998, pp. 15–69. Otto Dibelius, Das Jahrhundert der Kirche: Geschichte, Betrachtung, Umschau und Ziele, Berlin: Furche Verlag, 1927. Klaus Drobisch, "Humanitäre Hilfe – gewichtiger Teil des Widerstandes von Christen (anläßlich des 100. Geburtstages von Propst Heinrich Grüber)", in: Heinrich Grüber und die Folgen: Beiträge des Symposiums am 25. Juni 1991 in der Jesus Kirche zu Berlin Kaulsdorf, Eva Voßberg (ed. ), Berlin: Bezirkschronik Berlin Hellersdorf, 1992, (=Hellersdorfer Heimathefte; No. 1), pp. 26–29. Gerhard Engel, Heeresadjutant bei Hitler: 1938–1943; Aufzeichnungen des Majors Engel, Hildegard von Kotze (ed. and comment. ), Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags Anstalt, 1974, (=Schriftenreihe der Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte; vol. 29). Erich Foerster, Die Entstehung der Preußischen Landeskirche unter der Regierung König Friedrich Wilhelms des Dritten; Nach den Quellen erzählt von Erich Foerster. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Kirchenbildung im deutschen Protestantismus: 2 parts, Tübingen: Mohr, 1905 (pt 1) and 1907 (pt 2). Frederick William III and Daniel Amadeus Gottlieb Neander, Luther in Beziehung auf die evangelische Kirchen Agende in den Königlich Preussischen Landen (11827), Berlin: Unger, 21834. Herbert Frost, Strukturprobleme evangelischer Kirchenverfassung: Rechtsvergleichende Untersuchungen zum Verfassungsrecht der deutschen evangelischen Landeskirchen, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972, partly identical with Cologne, Univ., Habilitationsschrift, 1968. Wolfgang Gerlach, Als die Zeugen schwiegen: Bekennende Kirche und die Juden, reedited and accompl. ed., Berlin: Institut Kirche und Judentum, 21993, (=Studien zu Kirche und Israel; vol. 10). An earlier version appeared as doctoral thesis titled Zwischen Kreuz und Davidstern, Hamburg, Univ., Diss., 11970. Arthur Goldschmidt, Geschichte der evangelischen Gemeinde Theresienstadt 1942–1945, Tübingen: Furche Verlag, 1948, (=Das christliche Deutschland 1933 bis 1945: Evangelische Reihe; vol. 7). Martin Greschat, "Friedrich Weißler: Ein Jurist der Bekennenden Kirche im Widerstand gegen Hitler", in: Die verlassenen Kinder der Kirche: Der Umgang mit Christen jüdischer Herkunft im "Dritten Reich", Ursula Büttner and Martin Greschat (eds. ), Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1998, pp. 86–122. Martin Greschat, ""Gegen den Gott der Deutschen": Marga Meusels Kampf für die Rettung der Juden", in: Die verlassenen Kinder der Kirche: Der Umgang mit Christen jüdischer Herkunft im "Dritten Reich«, Ursula Büttner and Martin Greschat (eds. ), Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1998, pp. 70–85. Martin Greschat (ed. and commentator), Zwischen Widerspruch und Widerstand: Texte zur Denkschrift der Bekennenden Kirche an Hitler (1936), Munich: Kaiser, 1987, (=Studienbücher zur kirchlichen Zeitgeschichte; vol. 6). Israel Gutman, Daniel Fraenkel, Sara Bender, and Jacob Borut (eds. ), Lexikon der Gerechten unter den Völkern: Deutsche und Österreicher [Rashût ha Zîkkarôn la Sho'a we la Gvûrah (רשות הזכרון לשואה ולגבורה), Jerusalem: Yad VaShem; dt. ], Uwe Hager (trl. ), Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2005, article: Heinrich Grüber, pp. 128seqq. Heinrich Grüber. Sein Dienst am Menschen, Peter Mehnert on behalf or the Evangelische Hilfsstelle für ehemals Rasseverfolgte and Bezirksamt Hellersdorf (ed. ), Berlin: Bezirkschronik Berlin Hellersdorf, 1988. Gunnar Heinsohn, Worin unterscheidet sich der Holocaust von den anderen Völkermorden Hitlerdeutschlands?, lecture held for the Deutsch Israelische Gesellschaft, Berlin, on 22 April 1999 at the Gemeindehaus of the Jewish Community of Berlin, p. 3. Ernst Hornig, Die Bekennende Kirche in Schlesien 1933–1945: Geschichte und Dokumente, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1977, (=Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Kirchenkampfes: Ergänzungsreihe; vol. 10). Wilhelm Hüffmeier, "Die Evangelische Kirche der Union: Eine kurze geschichtliche Orientierung", in: " den großen Zwecken des Christenthums gemäß": Die Evangelische Kirche der Union 1817 bis 1992: Eine Handreichung für die Gemeinden, Wilhelm Hüffmeier (compil.) for the Kirchenkanzlei der Evangelischen Kirche der Union (ed.) on behalf of the Synod, Bielefeld: Luther Verlag, 1992, pp. 13–28. Wilhelm Hüffmeier and Christa Stache, Jebensstraße 3. Ein Erinnerungsbuch, Berlin: Union Evangelischer Kirchen in der EKD, 2006. Justus Perthes' Staatsbürger Atlas: 24 Kartenblätter mit über 60 Darstellungen zur Verfassung und Verwaltung des Deutschen Reichs und der Bundesstaaten (11896), Paul Langhans (comment. ), Gotha: Perthes, 21896. Kirchliches Jahrbuch für die Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland; vols. 60–71 (1933–1944), Joachim Beckmann (ed.) on behalf of the Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland, Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1948. ISSN 0075 6210. Alfred Kleindienst and Oskar Wagner, Der Protestantismus in der Republik Polen 1918/19 bis 1939 im Spannungsfeld von Nationalitätenpolitik und Staatskirchenrecht, kirchlicher und nationaler Gegensätze, Marburg upon Lahn: J. G. Herder Institut, 1985, (=Marburger Ostforschungen; vol. 42). Michael Kreutzer, Joachim Dieter Schwäbl and Walter Sylten, "Mahnung und Verpflichtung", in: ›Büro Pfarrer Grüber‹ Evangelische Hilfsstelle für ehemals Rasseverfolgte. Geschichte und Wirken heute, Walter Sylten, Joachim Dieter Schwäbl and Michael Kreutzer on behalf of the Evangelische Hilfsstelle für ehemals Rasseverfolgte (ed. ; Evangelical Relief Centre for the formerly Racially Persecuted), Berlin: Evangelische Hilfsstelle für ehemals Rasseverfolgte, 1988, pp. 24–29. Barbara Krüger and Peter Noss, "Die Strukturen in der Evangelischen Kirche 1933–1945", in: Kirchenkampf in Berlin 1932–1945: 42 Stadtgeschichten, Olaf Kühl Freudenstein, Peter Noss, and Claus Wagener (eds. ), Berlin: Institut Kirche und Judentum, 1999, (=Studien zu Kirche und Judentum; vol. 18), pp. 149–171. Olaf Kühl Freudenstein, "Berlin Dahlem", in: Kirchenkampf in Berlin 1932–1945: 42 Stadtgeschichten, Olaf Kühl Freudenstein, Peter Noss, and Claus Wagener (eds. ), Berlin: Institut Kirche und Judentum, 1999, (=Studien zu Kirche und Judentum; vol. 18), pp. 396–411. Olaf Kühl Freudenstein, "Die Glaubensbewegung Deutsche Christen", in: Kirchenkampf in Berlin 1932–1945: 42 Stadtgeschichten, Olaf Kühl Freudenstein, Peter Noss, and Claus Wagener (eds. ), Berlin: Institut Kirche und Judentum, 1999, (=Studien zu Kirche und Judentum; vol. 18), pp. 97–113. Günther Kühne and Elisabeth Stephani, Evangelische Kirchen in Berlin (11978), Berlin: CZV Verlag, 21986. Ralf Lange and Peter Noss, "Bekennende Kirche in Berlin", in: Kirchenkampf in Berlin 1932–1945: 42 Stadtgeschichten, Olaf Kühl Freudenstein, Peter Noss, and Claus Wagener (eds. ), Berlin: Institut Kirche und Judentum, 1999, (=Studien zu Kirche und Judentum; vol. 18), pp. 114–147. Eckhard Lessing, "Gemeinschaft im Dienst am Evangelium: Der theologische Weg der EKU", in: " den großen Zwecken des Christenthums gemäß": Die Evangelische Kirche der Union 1817 bis 1992: Eine Handreichung für die Gemeinden, Wilhelm Hüffmeier (compil.) for the Kirchenkanzlei der Evangelischen Kirche der Union (ed.) on behalf of the Synod, Bielefeld: Luther Verlag, 1992, pp. 29–37. Hartmut Ludwig, "Das ›Büro Pfarrer Grüber‹ 1938–1940", in: ›Büro Pfarrer Grüber‹ Evangelische Hilfsstelle für ehemals Rasseverfolgte. Geschichte und Wirken heute, Walter Sylten, Joachim Dieter Schwäbl and Michael Kreutzer on behalf of the Evangelische Hilfsstelle für ehemals Rasseverfolgte (ed. ; Evangelical Relief Centre for the formerly Racially Persecuted), Berlin: Evangelische Hilfsstelle für ehemals Rasseverfolgte, 1988, pp. 1–23. Kurt Meier, Kirche und Judentum: Die Haltung der evangelischen Kirche zur Judenpolitik des Dritten Reiches, Halle upon Saale: Niemeyer, 1968. Christine Ruth Müller, Dietrich Bonhoeffers Kampf gegen die nationalsozialistische Verfolgung und Vernichtung der Juden: Bonhoeffers Haltung zur Judenfrage im Vergleich mit Stellungnahmen aus der evangelischen Kirche und Kreisen des deutschen Widerstandes, Munich: Kaiser, 1990, (=Heidelberger Untersuchungen zu Widerstand, Judenverfolgung und Kirchenkampf im Dritten Reich; vol. 5), simultaneously handed in at the university Ruperto Carola Heidelbergensis, Diss., 1986. Wilhelm Niesel, Kirche unter dem Wort: Der Kampf der Bekennenden Kirche der altpreußischen Union 1933–1945, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1978, (=Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Kirchenkampfes: Ergänzungsreihe; vol. 11). Peter Noss, "Berlin Staaken Dorf", in: Kirchenkampf in Berlin 1932–1945: 42 Stadtgeschichten, Olaf Kühl Freudenstein, Peter Noss, and Claus Wagener (eds. ), Berlin: Institut Kirche und Judentum, 1999, (=Studien zu Kirche und Judentum; vol. 18), pp. 558–563. Peter Noss, "Schlussbetrachtung", in: Kirchenkampf in Berlin 1932–1945: 42 Stadtgeschichten, Olaf Kühl Freudenstein, Peter Noss, and Claus Wagener (eds. ), Berlin: Institut Kirche und Judentum, 1999, (=Studien zu Kirche und Judentum; vol. 18), pp. 574–591. Enno Obendiek, "Die Theologische Erklärung von Barmen 1934: Hinführung", in: " den großen Zwecken des Christenthums gemäß": Die Evangelische Kirche der Union 1817 bis 1992: Eine Handreichung für die Gemeinden, Wilhelm Hüffmeier (compilator) for the Kirchenkanzlei der Evangelischen Kirche der Union (ed.) on behalf of the Synod, Bielefeld: Luther Verlag, 1992, pp. 52–58. Eberhard Röhm and Jörg Thierfelder, Juden – Christen – Deutsche: 4 vols. in 7 parts, Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 1990–2007. Hans Rainer Sandvoß, Widerstand in Kreuzberg, altered and ext. ed., Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand (ed. ), Berlin: Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand, 21997, (=Schriftenreihe über den Widerstand in Berlin von 1933 bis 1945; No. 10). ISSN 0175 3592. Hans Rainer Sandvoß, Widerstand in Steglitz und Zehlendorf, Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand (ed. ), Berlin: Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand, 1986, (=Schriftenreihe über den Widerstand in Berlin von 1933 bis 1945; No. 2). ISSN 0175 3592. Hans Rainer Sandvoß, Widerstand in Wedding und Gesundbrunnen, Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand (ed. ), Berlin: Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand, 2003, (=Schriftenreihe über den Widerstand in Berlin von 1933 bis 1945; No. 14). ISSN 0175 3592. Hans Walter Schmuhl, Rassenhygiene, Nationalsozialismus, Euthanasie: Von der Verhütung zur Vernichtung "lebensunwerten Lebens", 1890–1945, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1987, (=Kritische Studien zur Geschichtswissenschaft; vol. 75); simultaneously handed in as doctoral thesis in Bielefeld, University of Bielefeld, Diss., 1986 under the title: Die Synthese von Arzt und Henker, (print), (ebook), p.
Stefan Schreiner, "Antisemitismus in der evangelischen Kirche", in: Heinrich Grüber und die Folgen: Beiträge des Symposiums am 25. Juni 1991 in der Jesus Kirche zu Berlin Kaulsdorf, Eva Voßberg (ed. ), Berlin: Bezirkschronik Berlin Hellersdorf, 1992, (=Hellersdorfer Heimathefte; No. 1), pp. 17–25. Synode der Evangelischen Kirche der Union, "Erklärung zur theologischen Grundbestimmung der Evangelischen Kirche der Union (EKU)", in: " den großen Zwecken des Christenthums gemäß": Die Evangelische Kirche der Union 1817 bis 1992: Eine Handreichung für die Gemeinden, Wilhelm Hüffmeier (compil.) for the Kirchenkanzlei der Evangelischen Kirche der Union (ed.) on behalf of the Synod, Bielefeld: Luther Verlag, 1992, pp. 38–49. Claus Wagener, "Die evangelische Kirche der altpreußischen Union", in: Kirchenkampf in Berlin 1932–1945: 42 Stadtgeschichten, Olaf Kühl Freudenstein, Peter Noss, and Claus Wagener (eds. ), Berlin: Institut Kirche und Judentum, 1999, (=Studien zu Kirche und Judentum; vol. 18), pp. 20–26. Claus Wagener, "Die Vorgeschichte des Kirchenkampfes", in: Kirchenkampf in Berlin 1932–1945: 42 Stadtgeschichten, Olaf Kühl Freudenstein, Peter Noss, and Claus Wagener (eds. ), Berlin: Institut Kirche und Judentum, 1999, (=Studien zu Kirche und Judentum; vol. 18), pp. 27–75. Claus Wagener, "Nationalsozialistische Kirchenpolitik und protestantische Kirchen nach 1933", in: Kirchenkampf in Berlin 1932–1945: 42 Stadtgeschichten, Olaf Kühl Freudenstein, Peter Noss, and Claus Wagener (eds. ), Berlin: Institut Kirche und Judentum, 1999, (=Studien zu Kirche und Judentum; vol. 18), pp. 76–96. Wider das Vergessen: Schicksale judenchristlicher Pfarrer in der Zeit 1933–1945 (special exhibition in the Lutherhaus Eisenach April 1988 – April 1989), Evangelisches Pfarrhausarchiv (ed. ), Eisenach: Evangelisches Pfarrhausarchiv, 1988. .