Сомалилендтегі президент сайлауы: демократиялық кезең және мойындалмау мәселесі

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Presidential elections were held in Somaliland on 14 April 2003. The result was a victory for incumbent President Dahir Riyale Kahin, who won by a margin of just 0.01%. The outcome was initially rejected by the main opposition, which led to violence and a subsequent ban on public protests for a ten day period starting on 22 April. Nevertheless, the International Crisis Group labeled the election a democratic "milestone" for the breakaway state. On 11 May the Somaliland Supreme Court endorsed Kahin's victory. He was sworn in on 16 May.

Having come into existence in 1991, in the early 2000s the unrecognised Republic of Somaliland began to transition from a state run, tribal government to a democratic nation. The country was mostly made up of three clan families — the Isaaq (the largest), the Dir (which includes the Gadabuursi clan), and the Darod. The elections were seen as a crucial part of the transition from a clan based power sharing system to a constitutional government based in multi party democracy. To help the SEC with the elections, the European Commission sent technical consultants, funded voter education and trained election workers and NGOs to assist wth the local elections, despite Somaliland's lack of international recognition. Since a huge portion of the population was still nomadic and illiterate, voter education was crucial. The SEC organized acting groups that traveled around with loudspeakers mounted on cars informing people about the upcoming elections and voting procedures. On election day polling stations had posters with written and illustrative information about the candidates and voter protocol. The British Government had been more likely than other foreign powers to subtly treat Somaliland as an independent state. However, fearing that its assistance in the presidential election would be construed as support for Somaliland's international recognition, the European Commission did not assist the SEC, as it had in the local district elections. Riyale's Main opposition was Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo (Kulmiye). Silanyo was a former chairman of the Somali National Movement Liberation Struggle (SNM). Faysal Ali Waraabe ran as the UCID candidate. UCID had narrower base of support meaning the election was essentially between Kahin and Silanyo. The Observers gave favorable reports but noted some variation in the management of different polling stations and a lack of voter age restriction enforcement. Despite the success of its democratic elections, Somaliland has not yet received international recognition. 118 polling stations were closed in the same regions (East Saang and Sool) and for the same reasons as in the district elections. The most major electoral issue occurred in the Sool region where a conflict caused the death of an election official.

Voter turnout was lower than expected and only increased 10% from the district elections. On 18 April 2002 the SEC announced that the results would be announced the following day. Most people, supporters and opposition alike, believed that Kulmiye had won the election. Silanyo even declared victory and the Somaliland Times reported that he had won. However, the celebration for Kulmiye supporters was short lived. On April 19, the SEC announced that UDUB had won by just 80 votes. Kulmiye supporters and party officials were furious and believed that the election was rigged. Small protests erupted in areas that were Kulmiye strongholds and the government invoked emergency laws. The human rights organization, African Rights, wrote a report that strongly criticized the government reaction and the police intimidation and violence used against Kulmiye supporters. While party activists and the political elite were agitated, the general public remained calm. Four days later Kulmiye challenged the result and their complaint was taken to the Supreme Court.

Anticipating Kulmiye's complaint to the Supreme Court, UDUB alleged that the SEC had improperly annulled ballots despite initially agreeing with the SEC's decision to disqualify ballots on procedural grounds. The SEC called UDUB's complaint "baseless." Kulmiye on the other hand, while first alleging mistabulation on the part of the SEC, instead alleged that a specific ballot box from the pro Kulmiye region of Balle Alanle had been improperly omitted from the vote count. The box had been mishandled after a security incident involving UDUB supporters attempting to tamper with the vote. It had been taken to Bur'o and the SEC had been unable to trace it until after the announcement of the preliminary results. The SEC left it up to the court to decide the validity of the votes in the box. The box held about 700 votes the majority of which could be assumed votes for Silanyo. The Supreme Court refused to open the box and announced on May 11 that Kahin had won by a margin of 214 rather than 80 votes. No further explanation was given. Kulmiye's chairman challenged the Court because of the change in the result and the lack of explanation. Kulmiye claimed the court was incompetent, a common complaint about the Somaliland Judiciary, and lacked impartiality. Kulmiye refused to recognize UDUB and Kulmiye and UCID officials were absent from Kahin's swearing in on May 16. Silyano appealed to his supporters to remain calm but despite reports of some intimidation and mistreatment of Kulmiye supporters, most of the public was largely uninvolved and unmoved. There were no mass rallies or protests. The public largely considered the problems following the election a matter for politicians. Despite the urging of his supporters, Silyano refused to form an opposing government and, on 8 June 2003, Kulmiye conceded the election and abided by the courts decision "despite strong grievances of injustice in the election," ensuring a successful first democratic presidential election in Somaliland. The dramatic events of the presidential election meant the 2005 parliamentary elections were even more important. Until the 2005 parliamentary elections, the UDUB government would function as a de facto one party state.