Caste system in Nepal

Nepalese traditional social stratification system
The Nepalese caste system was the traditional system of social stratification of Nepal. The Nepalese caste system broadly borrows the classical Hindu Chaturvarnashram model, consisting of four broad social classes or varna: Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya, Sudra. The caste system defines social classes by a number of hierarchical endogamous groups often termed jaat. This custom was traditionally only prevalent in the three Indo Aryan societies of the Khas, Madhesi, and Newars. However, since the unification of Nepal in the 18th century, Nepal's various non Hindu ethnic nationalities and tribes, previously called "Matwalis" (alcohol drinkers) and now termed as "Adivasi/Janajati" (indigenous/nationalities), have been incorporated within the caste hierarchy to varying degrees of success. Despite the forceful integration by the state into the pan Hindu social structure, the traditionally non Hindu groups and tribes do not necessarily adhere to the customs and practices of the caste system. The Government of Nepal legally abolished and criminalized any caste based discrimination, including "untouchability" (the ostracism of a specific caste) in 1963. With Nepal's step towards freedom and equality, Nepal, previously ruled by a Hindu monarchy, was a Hindu nation which has now become a secular state. On 28 May 2008, it was declared a republic, ending the period of the Hindu Kingdom.

The caste system is still intact today but the rules are not as rigid as they were in the past. In 1963, a law (New Muluki Ain 1963) was passed making it illegal to discriminate against other castes led all castes to be equally treated by the law. Education is free and open to all castes. The caste system conjoints a structural class divide which persists, in which lower castes/ethnicities are generally socio economically are not equal like those of higher castes/ethnicities. Recent research has also shown that when it comes to Nepali people's impressions of social change, "Poverty, Human Resources and Region" explain more of the variation than "Ethnicity, Caste or Religious belonging" – i. e. people's perception of their own social situation has more to do with geography and objective social class, than with their association with the groups that the state has based its internal social policy on. Participation of Khas Brahmins in the civil service is 41.3% in spite of its population size of 12.2%. The population of Newars (all castes) is around 5%, but its occupancy in the civil service is more than one third (33.2%), although vast majority of this share comes from the minority upper caste segments of the Chathariya and Panchthariya Shrestha Newars. Upper caste Newars remain the most over represented community in terms of socio political access. The population of Khas Chhetris constitutes 17.6% but its participation is mere 14.7%. If these major three communities (upper caste Khas (Bahun & Chhetri) and upper caste Newars (Shresthas) or the 'BCN' combine their shares in the Government of Nepal, civil service employment is 89.2% in 1991. Their dominance is reflected in education, administration and economical activities of the nation. Among those 73.8% in higher education belong to the BCN, 22.0% Janajatis and 2.9% Dalit. They have become major decision makers in the bureaucracy of Nepal has become crystal clear. In terms of earning/income generation, Newars have the highest per capita income of Rs. 38,193. Khas Brahmins come next with an average income of Rs. 24,399, Adivasi Janajatis ranks third with an average income of Rs. 15,630, Dalit Rs. 12,114 and Muslim ranks the lowest, Rs.11,014' The democratic transitions also failed to be inclusive management and functioning governance mainly because government was unable to understand and articulate the spirit of all Nepalese people irrespective of their caste, gender, ethnicity, and religion. In this process the left outs were oppressed class (Dalits), women, the poorest of the poor, powerless and the second class citizen and indigenous nationalities (Adivasi Janajatis). In Nepal, high castes dominate 91.2% among the prominent position in politics and bureaucracy. The Dalits who constitute 12.8 percent of the total population of the country have no representation in the higher echelons of power' (Gurung, H. 2006). Similarly, the Janajati has 32.0% (excluding Newars) of the total population of the country, has representation of 7.1%. In terms of education, 88.0% of Khas Brahmins & Chhetris, and Newars have access to school, 12.0% have never been to school. More than fifty (52.0%) of Hill Dalits, 47.0% of the Tarai Dalits, 48.0% of the Muslims and 30 percent of the Hill Adivasi Janajatis have never been to school. (Census, 2001)

In recent times, following the overthrow of the Nepali monarchy and move towards a federal republic, ethnicity and caste have taken center stage – the indigenous peoples (Adivasi Janajati) who make up a third of the country having been guaranteed rights that have not yet been fulfilled. There is an observable reaction to this among certain Khas Brahmin and Chhetri groups, seeking to prevent group based rights from becoming an important factor in the country that earlier had a political system associated with group based discrimination. Certain outside analysts have suggested that "seeking a balance in approach requires addressing both specific indigenous historical injustices while creating a common citizenship for all marginalised citizens regardless of identity, which remains a particularly challenging issue for Nepal". According to Professor Madhusudan Subedi, economic and political advancements have pushed the caste system to break its stagnancy and status quo. New divisions and differences have given rise to new antagonisms and social norms. Working class persons in urban areas who must make a living by selling their labour power. Traditional caste barriers have been broken down as a result of such social mobility. In the rural context, the traditional subsistence agriculture system and age old caste structure have significantly changed, and a relationship based on wage labour on land is being developed.