Оңтүстік Африканың сото-тсвана этностары

Meta ethnicity of southern Africa

The Sotho Tswana, also known as the Sotho or Basotho, although the term is now closely associated with the Southern Sotho peoples are a meta ethnicity of Southern Africa. They are a large and diverse group of people who speak Sotho Tswana languages. The group is predominantly found in Botswana, Lesotho, South Africa, and the western part of Zambia. Smaller groups can also be found in Namibia and Zimbabwe. The Sotho Tswana people would have diversified into their current arrangement during the course of the 2nd millennium, but they retain a number of linguistic and cultural characteristics that distinguish them from other Bantu speakers of southern Africa. These are features such as totemism/diboko a pre emptive right of men to marry their maternal cousins, and an architectural style characterized by a round hut with a conical thatch roof supported by wooden pillars on the outside. Other major distinguishing features included their dress of skin cloaks and a preference for dense and close settlements, as well as a tradition of large scale building in stone. A fifth cluster is sometimes referred to as the Eastern Sotho and consists of the Pulana, Kgolokwe, Pai, and others. The Sotho Tswana are said to contain some Khoe San ancestry with levels varing from >20%.

The Sotho Tswana ethnic group derives its name from the people who belong to the various Sotho and Tswana clans that live in southern Africa. Historically, all members of the group were referred to as Sothos; the name is now exclusively applied to speakers of Southern Sotho who live mainly in Lesotho and the Free State province in South Africa, while Northern Sotho is reserved for Sotho speakers that inhabit north eastern South Africa, predominantly in Limpopo.

The term Basotho may have originated as a derogatory term used by the Swazi to refer to the Pedi in the 1400s. The Swazi called the Bapedi "Abashuntu" because they wore breechcloths made of animal skins tied in knots to cover their private parts. The word "Abashuntu" comes from the verb "uku shunta," which means "to make a knot." Despite the derogatory origins of the term, the Pedi adopted it with pride. They saw it as a sign of their independence and freedom from Swazi rule. Other Sotho speaking groups who also wore breechcloths adopted the term as well, and it eventually came to be used to refer to all Sotho people.

The Basotho name is thought to be derived from the word "sootho", "brown" , which means the ones with dark/brown melanin. "Ba sootho" directly translates to "They are brown". The use of the word has always been part of the vocabulary of the Sotho Tswana nation. The word became ascribed to a specific people due to regional conflicts: different Bantu clans split from their ancestor clans and took the name of their leader as their identity, but naturally, in essence, every Batho/Bantu people is a Mosotho. The term Basotho is now used as a term of pride and unity for the Sotho people. It is a reminder of their shared history and culture and their determination to resist oppression.

The ethnonym Batswana is thought to be an anantonym that comes from the meaning of the Sotho Tswana word "tswa", which means "to come out of". The name would be derived from the word "Ba ba tswang" eventually shortened to the word Batswana meaning "The Separatists" or alternatively "the people who cannot hold together". One of the chief characteristics of the Sotho Tswana clans is their tendency to break up and hive off.

The Sotho Tswana are a cultural and ethnic group whose ancestors arrived in Botswana and South Africa around 200–500 AD, during the last Bantu migration, they are descended from a group that moved southward from the Great Lakes region in a separate movement from the other Southern Bantu groups, proceeding along the western part of present day Zimbabwe. By the 15th century, the Sotho Tswana people had begun to disperse throughout the southern Transvaal highveld. Over the next few centuries, the Sotho Tswana people continued to disperse and form new chiefdoms. Unlike the Nguni people, who predominantly settled in coastal areas, the Sotho Tswana found their home in the highlands of South Africa, specifically in the region known as the Highveld. This region is situated between the coastal lowlands to the east and south and the Kalahari Desert to the west. The Sotho Tswana predominantly inhabited the highlands and steppes, resulting in a relatively lower population density than the Nguni. They were also less reliant on agriculture, instead practicing a mixed economy of farming, herding, and hunting.

The 19th century marked a significant period of change for the Sotho Tswana territories due to the expansion of the Nguni people, known as the Mfecane. This expansion prompted local groups to consolidate and form the first states within the region. Notable among these emerging states were the Basotho, Bapedi, and Tswana. One group of Basotho, known as the Kololo, migrated extensively to the north and established their own state in what is now Zambia. During their rule, the language of the conquerors, Lozi, gained prominence in Zambia.

Throughout the 19th century and into the middle of the 20th century, various African groups gradually migrated into the Sotho Tswana territories, establishing settlements and states. Notable among these were the Transvaal and the Orange Free State. The British Empire later laid claim to these territories, resulting in conflicts with local populations. Eventually, the British defeated the indigenous African groups, and the areas under their control were divided among different territories. South Africa, Bechuanaland (now known as Botswana), Barotseland (now in Zambia), and Basutoland (now Lesotho) emerged as distinct geopolitical entities. This complex historical process shaped the cultural and political landscape of the Sotho Tswana territories, contributing to the formation of diverse states and the interaction between various ethnic groups.

In Sotho Tswana society, each member has a totem, which is usually an animal. Totems are inherited from the father and thus pass like an English surname. The totem animal had traditionally had a status of veneration and avoidance; in particular, it was important not to eat one's totem. In modern Sotho Tswana society, this is not as strictly observed. Each morafe or sechaba had its own totem. When naming a clan, the name of the founder or the animal they venerate could be used. An example is the Bahurutshe, named after the founder Mohurutshe; alternatively, they can also be called Batshweneng after the tshwene (baboon), which they venerate; similarly, Batlhako after the founder; or Batloung after the totem. For some clans, the name of the founder and their totem are the same, like the Bakwena and Bataung, where the founders were named Kwena (crocodile) and Tau (lion), respectively.

An important distinction that needs to be made when discussing Sotho Tswana clans is to distinguish between the different clans and the various sub clans below them. This means distinguishing between clans that share the same totem, like the crocodile, but are distinct, such as the Bapo, Bakwena, Bangwaketse, and Bafokeng of Phokeng. In distinguishing between subclans, an example is the Bakgatla, who separated into Bakgatla ba Kgafela and Bakgatla ba ga Mmakau over who should lead the clan. One faction defied the usual tradition of male leaders and acknowledged the female, Mmakau, as their kgosi. Those who supported Kgafela then broke away. Further offshoots from the Bakgatla are the Bakgatla ba Mmanaana, Bakgatla ba Mmakau, and Bakgatla ba Motsha, who all have the kgabo as their totem. The Bakgatla ba Mmakau would later give rise to Bapedi, BaKholokoe, Batlokwa, BaPhuti and Basia clans If a dispute were to arise between any of the offshoot clans, like the Basia and Baphiti, then the Mmakau chief would be tasked with resolving it as their senior.

The question of rank and seniority is one that is very important to the Sotho Tswana. It determines a lot, from family relationships, to village matters to relationships between clans and between the different tribal groups. In a family situation, the issue of rank determines when a son will undergo initiation, or receive an inheritance. A further distinction is also made between the senior wife and the junior wife if a man is in a polygamous marriage. As the Sotho Tswana lived in large villages, seniority and rank also played a part here. The chief's homestead is situated at the center of the village, and thereafter the other citizens are grouped according to rank, with the most junior members living the furthest from the village center. Inter and intra clan relationships have been a question that has occupied the Sotho Tswana since the split that occurred between the followers of Mohurutshe and Kwena. While it is generally accepted that the Hurutshe are the senior clan, some of the other clans have disputed this, mainly the Bafokeng, Barolong, and Bakgatla. The claims of the Barolong and Bakgatla have mainly been dismissed; for example, some subclans of Bakgatla, like the Bakgatla ba GaMmakau, acknowledge the Bahurutshe as senior, while the BaKagatla ba ga Kgafela do not. In the case of the Barolong, the Batlhaping, who are an offshoot of the Barolong, acknowledge the Bahurutshe to be senior to the Barolong, while the Barolong do not. The Bafokeng maintain that their split from the core Sotho Tswana body predated the split between Mohurutshe and Kwena, and therefore they are equal in status to the Bahurutshe, if not senior. These disputes over seniority and rank were driven by the quest for benefits and independence, a senior kgosi could demand a payment of tribute from a junior chief, and they could also summon a junior chief or member of his clan to kgotla for a hearing. If a dispute arose between two junior chiefs, the most senior chief closest to them would be invited to resolve it. Another important factor was that a senior chief or members of his clan could not be summoned to the Kgotla by a junior kgosi or clan member. An additional factor in this question of rank and seniority is that it was determined by birth and could not be changed; this means a chief born of minor status could not change his standing relative to the other chiefs. This was mainly to discourage the split up of clans into further sub clans and the buildup of clans through conquest and warfare.