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14th emperor of the Ming dynasty, reigned from 1572 to 1620

The Wanli Emperor (4 September 1563 – 18 August 1620), also known by his temple name as the Emperor Shenzong of Ming (c=明神宗), personal name Zhu Yijun (t=朱翊鈞), art name Yuzhai (t=禹齋), was the 14th emperor of the Ming dynasty, reigned from 1572 to 1620. He succeeded his father, the Longqing Emperor. His reign of 48 years was the longest among all the Ming dynasty emperors. He contributed to the centralization of administration, limited various privileges, and revised exemptions from land taxes. Gu Xiancheng, with the suggestion of his friend Gao Panlong (t=高攀龍), established the Donglin Academy in Wuxi, located in Jiangnan. The academy served as a hub for discussions and meetings. With the support of local authorities and the gentry, the academy quickly gained prominence. As the founders had been out of politics for many years, the government did not view it as a threat. The academy attracted hundreds of intellectuals and soon became a significant intellectual center in all of China. It also inspired the creation of similar centers in nearby prefectures, forming a network of associations and circles. According to the academy, they was a group of officials who advocated for strict adherence to Confucian morality. The supporters of the Donglin movement believed that living an exemplary life was essential for cultivating moral character, and they did not differentiate between private and public morality. They believed that one's moral cultivation should begin with the mind/heart, then extend to one's home, surroundings, and public life. This belief was exemplified by Gao Panlong. However, they viewed Zhang Juzheng's decision to not mourn for his father as a sign of being an unprincipled profiteer. They also criticized the emperor for hesitating to confirm the succession of his eldest son, considering it unethical and unacceptable. The Donhlin movement promoted a system of government based on Confucian values, particularly the values of the patriarchal family, which were extended to the entire state. They believed that the local administration should be led by the educated gentry, who would guide the people. In this context, the technical aspects of governance were considered unimportant and any issues with the organization of administration were addressed by promoting Confucian virtues, preaching morality, and emphasizing self sacrifice for higher goals. Disputes within the movement centered around moral values and qualities, with opponents being accused of immoral behavior rather than professional incompetence. The emphasis on morality allowed the Donglin movement to claim that they were not pursuing selfish goals, but were united by universal and true moral principles. Although the leaders of the movement did not return to office until the end of the Wanli Emperor's reign, it had a significant influence among junior officials in Beijing. They opposed the concentration of power in the Grand Secretariat and the Ministries, advocating for the independence of the Censorate. They also called for limitations on the activities of eunuchs within the imperial palace. Their stance on succession was based on principles, arguing that the ruler does not have the right to unilaterally change fundamental laws of the empire, including succession rules. However, their emphasis on decentralization and prioritizing morality and ideology over pragmatism hindered effective governance of the empire, which was already challenging due to its size and population. The tendency to equate personal virtue with administrative talent led to morality becoming the main target in factional disputes. The regular evaluation of the capital officials was often used to eliminate opponents. In 1577, Zhang Juzheng used this type of evaluation for the first time, resulting in the removal of 51 of his opponents. Another evaluation in 1581 led to the dismissal of 264 officials in the capital and 67 in Nanjing, which was a significant purge considering that during the late Ming period, there were over a thousand officials serving in the central government in Beijing and almost four hundred in Nanjing. In 1587, only 31 jinshi were removed by Gand Secretary Shen Shixing, but none from the Ministry of Personnel, the Hanlin Academy, and the Censorate, where factional disputes were common. However, censors also demanded the dismissal of the Minister of Works He Qiming (t=何起鳴), apparently for political reasons (as a supporter of Zhang Juzheng), just a month after his appointment, which angered the emperor. The minister was forced to leave, and the emperor also dismissed the head of the Censorate and transferred the responsible inspectors to the provinces. This sparked protests against "the emperor's interference in the independence of the Censorate." In the 1593 evaluation, the Donglins utilized their positions in the Ministry of Personnel and the Censorate to eliminate the followers of the Grand Secretaries. The newly appointed Senior Grand Secretary, Wang Xijue, was unable to support his party members. He did, however, request the dismissal of several organizers of the purge during additional evaluations. The head of the Censorate opposed this, but the emperor ultimately agreed, sparking further protests from junior officials, including future founders of the Donglin Academy. By the time of the 1599 evaluation, the Donglin opposition had lost its influence, resulting in a more peaceful evaluation. f the
However, in the 1605 evaluation, the Donglin movement once again attacked their opponents, and through Wen Chun (t=溫純), the head of the Censorate, and Yang Shiqiao (t=楊時喬), Vice Minister of Personnel, demanded the dismissal of 207 officials from the capital and 73 from Nanjing. However, the emperor did not agree to such a large scale purge and explicitly stated that several of the accused officials should remain in their positions. This was an unprecedented refusal and sparked sharp criticism, leading to a months long debate filled with mutual recriminations. Even Heaven seemed to intervene when lightning struck the Temple of Heaven. Eventually, the accused officials were forced to resign, but so were the organizers of the purge, including Grand Secretary Shen Yiguan, the following year. While the Donglins were successful in dismissing their opponents, they did not have suitable candidates for top positions. And even when a candidate like Li Sancai emerged, he was thwarted in the same way—through an attack on his moral integrity—in Li's case, through bribery. This was also the first instance where a connection to the Donglin movement was used as an argument against a candidate. In the 1611 evaluation, two anti Donglin factions clashed, resulting in the downfall of their leaders (Tang Binyin (t=湯賓尹), Chancellor of Nanking University, and Gu Tianjun (t=顧天俊), teacher of the heir apparent). The career of the highest ranking Donglin sympathizer, Vice Minister of Personnel and Hanlin Academy scholar, Wang Tu (t=王圖), was also ruined. In the 1617 evaluation, three cliques based on regional origin were in conflict, formed by anti Donglin censors. In the last decade of the Wanli Emperor's reign, the spineless bureaucrat Fang Congzhe led the Grand Secretariat, while the emperor left many high administrative positions vacant for long periods and simply ignored polemical memoranda.

The years 1570–1620 were relatively warm, especially in winter, with an average temperature one degree higher than the previous half century. However, the weather was also drier, leading to occasional flooding. This trend was particularly evident in the years 1585–1589 and 1614–1619, which experienced severe droughts. On the other hand, cold winters were recorded in 1595–1598 and 1616–1620, resulting in an increase in snowy landscapes depicted in Chinese paintings. In addition to these weather patterns, China also faced other natural disasters during this time period. In 1586, extensive flooding occurred, while locust raids destroyed crops in 1587, 1609, and 1615–1619, following periods of drought. Deforestation in the northwest also caused sandstorms, which covered Beijing in clouds of dust in 1618 and 1619. The most significant natural disaster during the Wanli era was the earthquake that struck China in December 1604. Its epicenter was located 30 km off the coast of Fujian, resulting in the destruction of the port cities of Quanzhou and Zhangzhou, as well as damage to buildings in Moon Port. The effects of the earthquake were felt as far as Shanghai and inland areas such as Huguang and Guangxi. The worst individual disasters were the floods in the north in 1585 followed by a major epidemic the following year; a severe drought across the country in 1589; droughts in Fujian and the north in the second decade of the 17th century; and finally, widespread floods in 1613. Overall, the most difficult years of the Wanli era were the periods 1586–88 and 1615–17. The drought induced famine of 1587–88 was the first major famine since the mid 1540s, followed by an epidemic. According to the historian of demography Zhao Shuqi, half of the people in northern China died during this time, causing the population of Shanxi, Zhili, and Henan provinces to decrease from 25.6 million in 1580 to 12.8 million in 1588. The Yangtze Valley was also affected by these disasters. The disasters in the years 1586–88 shocked the government, however, the reserves accumulated by Zhang Juzheng helped overcome the difficulties. The authorities learned from this crisis and were able to intervene when the Henan famine broke out six years later, preventing it from spreading. The second series of natural disasters began in 1615, preceded by two years of flooding in northern China. This combination of floods and drought greatly impacted agriculture, leading to regions across the country requesting assistance starting in the autumn of 1615. The situation was particularly dire in Shandong, where 900,000 people were starving and the civil administration was beginning to fall apart due to food shortages. The famine spread from northern China to the Yangtze River basin by the end of the year, and the following year it affected Guangdong. By the following year, the northwest and southwest regions of the Ming dynasty were also affected. The drought and floods continued until 1620. In response to the famine, local authorities did not rely on state reserve granaries, which had mostly disappeared, but instead called on the wealthy to purchase and import grain. Officials only intervened by setting maximum prices. This meant that the state did not have to maintain a stockpile of grain when it could be purchased on the market. However, even in fertile years, regions such as Jiangnan still struggled due to their dependence on rice imports.

In the first third of the 16th century, Europeans brought new agricultural crops to China, including maize, sweet potatoes, and groundnuts. These crops were documented to have been cultivated in China during the second third of the 16th century. During the Wanli era, other originally American species such as tobacco and sweet potatoes were introduced and spread throughout the country. Tobacco was commercially grown in Fujian and exported to the Philippines in the early 17th century, and cultivation began in Guangdong. Initially, tobacco was popular among the poor in Jiangnan, but eventually became a habit among the elite. By the beginning of the Qing period, it was reported that "every official, soldier, and eight out of ten peasants" in the region smoked. It wasn't until the 1630s that Beijing officials began to mention tobacco. Sweet potatoes arrived in China in the early 1590s, possibly even earlier. They were brought by Chinese merchants from the Philippines to Fujian and Guangdong, and may have also been imported from Vietnam. After a famine in Fujian in 1594, the local governor encouraged and promoted the cultivation of sweet potatoes. These crops quickly took hold in Fujian and Guangdong, and later spread to other regions of China in the second half of the 17th century.

During the Wanli era, there was a significant boom in industry, particularly in the production of silk, cotton, and porcelain. The textile industry in Shaanxi employed a large number of people, while Guangdong saw the emergence of large ironworks with thousands of workers. This period also saw the development of specialization in agricultural production and a significant increase in interregional trade. The impact of this development was most strongly felt in Jiangnan, where cities such as Suzhou, Songjiang, Jiaxing, and Nanjing flourished. Suzhou, known for its silk and financial industries, saw its population grow to over half a million by the end of the 16th century, while Songjiang became a center for cotton cultivation. A significant portion of the production was exported in exchange for silver. Between 1560 and 1640, the Spanish colonies in the Americas shipped 1,000 tons of silver across the Pacific, with 900 tons ending up in China. However, during this same time period, Japan sent 6–7 times more silver to China. This influx of foreign silver coincided with the commercialization of the economy, which led to growth in industries such as cotton and silk, as well as the growth of cities and trade. However, this commercialization did not result in prosperity for all. Land and rice prices remained stagnant, and even fell in the 1570s and 1580s, before experiencing a sudden increase in 1587–89 due to famines in southern China. Additionally, wages and labor productivity in the Jiangnan cotton industry also declined. Contemporary commentators observed that while the market economy was thriving, state finances remained poor. Despite the luxurious lifestyle of urban elites, the majority of peasants and day laborers continued to live in poverty. These economic changes also brought about changes in values, particularly in regards to official Confucian doctrines. During the 16th century, the Ming state gradually shifted towards the policy of zhaoshang maiban (t=召商買辦, 'the government purchase from private merchants'). For example, during the Jiajing era, the government began purchasing clothes for silver instead of relying on state textile factories in Suzhou and Hangzhou, which had since disappeared and been replaced by private factories. This marked the emergence of a market economy, where traders were no longer mere extensions of the state apparatus and were able to negotiate prices and contract volumes. State contracts also encouraged the growth of private enterprises, while the quality of production in state factories declined. For instance, in 1575, the army had to return 5,000 unusable shields. By the late 16th century, army officers were refusing to use goods produced by state workshops and instead demanded silver from the government to purchase equipment on the market. The government obtained the necessary silver by converting compulsory services into payments in the single bar reform. The aim of the reform was to eliminate levies in kind, services, and compulsory work in the lijia system and replace them with a surcharge to the land tax paid in silver. Transfers of various duties to silver payments had been taking place in various counties since the 1520s, with the most intense changes occurring in the 1570s to the 1590s. The reform was implemented by county authorities throughout the country. The changes proceeded from the more developed south of the country to the north, where the introduction of procedures common in the south caused a wave of resistance. Controversy centered primarily on the repeal of progressive household taxation: advocates of the reform argued that wealthy households usually received tax exemptions, making progressive taxation only fictitious. By the end of the 16th century, land tax surcharges had already replaced almost all benefits and labor performed in the lijia system. In an effort to streamline the collection of land tax in 1581, Senior Grand Secretary Zhang Juzheng advocated for the creation of a new cadastre. Over the course of 1581–1582, fields were measured, boundaries were marked, sizes were calculated, and owners and tenants were recorded. Cadastral maps were also compiled during this time. Unfortunately, due to Zhang's untimely death, there was no final summary of data for the entire country. However, at the local level, the work served its purpose. Zhang's cadastre served as the foundation for later Ming and Qing cadastres. As early as 1581, the Ministry of Revennue had compiled the Wanli kuai ji lu (t=萬曆會計錄, 'Record of the accounting procedures of the Wanli reign'), which provided an overview of taxes and fees throughout the empire. This document highlighted the complexity, diversity, and dependence on local conditions of these taxes, making unification a challenging task. After incorporating some compulsory works, the land tax amounted to 5–10% of the harvest, but in the four most heavily taxed prefectures of Nanzhili, it reached 14–20%. In the 1570s–1590s, approximately 21 million liangs of silver were collected for the land tax, mostly in the form of grain.

Outside of Jiangnan, in most counties of Ming China, few products were traded across borders, with the most important being grain. Grain was primarily imported to Jiangnan from Jiangxi, Huguang, and western Nanzhili, while North Zhili imported rice from Shandong and Beijing imported tax rice. The majority of rice on the market was collected by landlords from their tenants as rent. However, the grain market also facilitated the production of non food goods, particularly textiles. In Jiangnan, there were areas that did not grow rice, but instead focused on textile crops such as cotton and mulberry. Mulberries were primarily grown in northern Zhejiang, with Huzhou being a central location. In and around Songjiang, cotton was grown on more than half of the land. The focus was not just on growing and producing goods, but also on selling them. In the late Ming period, the economy in Jiangnan shifted from cultivation to the processing of cotton, which was imported from Shandong, Henan, Fujian, and Guangdong. Suzhou and Hangzhou were known as centers for the production of luxury goods, while ordinary fabrics were produced in the surrounding areas. Within the production process, there was specialization in individual stages, such as spinning and weaving. Of the various regional merchant groups, those from Shanxi dominated the salt trade in the interior, including Sichuan. Meanwhile, merchants from Huizhou controlled long distance trade on the Grand Canal and were the most influential wholesalers and retailers in Jiangnan. They were followed by merchants from Suzhou, Fujian, and Guangzhou, in that order. Merchants from Jiangxi operated on a smaller scale, mainly in Henan, Huguang, and Sichuan. Local agents offered boats, crew, and porters for hire on trade routes. Travel guides were published, providing information on routes, distances, inns, famous places, ferries, and safety. Commercial intermediaries allowed for the sending of money through drafts. Women entrepreneurs emerged, selling various goods, and also acted as intermediaries in legal disputes. Conservatives viewed women's involvement in trade with disdain, as seen in the case of Li Ze, who praised a prefect for "banning gambling and women from selling at markets" in the Jiaxing prefecture.

The growth of silver imports in the first third of the 16th century led to an increase in its use. By the second half of the 16th century, Ming statesmen were already concerned that silver would completely replace bronze coins. In the last third of the 16th century, the issue of the relationship between silver and coins became a central topic in discussions about monetary policy. Some officials suggested halting the production of coins due to their lack of profitability, while their opponents argued that this was a short sighted policy that ignored the long term benefits of increasing circulation. This allowed silver to become the dominant currency. In the 1570s and 1580s, debates about currency were dominated by concerns about silver shortages causing deflation, but these debates died down in the 1590s. The import of silver had a significant impact on the Ming economy. Its price relative to gold and copper fell by half during the Wan li era, but its purchasing power was still greater compared to the rest of the world. The Ministry of Revennue's silver income doubled during the 1570s alone, from about 90 tons to approximately 165 tons per year. The income of local authorities also increased, such as in the Moon Port, the main center of foreign maritime trade, where trade licenses and customs fees grew from 113 kg of silver to over one ton between 1570 and 1594. However, the influx of silver also led to the export of gold and coins. This influx of silver also had negative effects, as inflation appeared in regions with a surplus of silver in the late 16th and early 17th centuries, such as the southeast coast, Jiangnan, and the Grand Canal.

Silver was distrusted by many officials because they feared dependence on its inflow from abroad and did not trust its ability to provide all the functions of money. As a result, they attempted to revive the use of coins. In 1571–1572, the mints were briefly opened, but Zhang Juzheng reopened them in 1576. He restored the mints in Beijing and Nanjing, and later in Yunnan. Additionally, he opened mints in both the northern provinces where coins were commonly used—Shanxi, Shandong, and Henan—as well as in provinces where they were not commonly used—Shaanxi, Jiangxi, Fujian, and Huguang. While the mints in the metropolitan areas were state owned, those in the provinces were run by licensed entrepreneurs. However, the production of coins faced immediate challenges such as a shortage of copper and difficulties in hiring qualified personnel. In Jiangxi, for example, the mint was only able to produce 5% of the planned amount of coins. In response, the authorities decreed that at least 70% of tax payments must be made in new coins and encouraged merchants to import coins from surrounding provinces. However, merchants often supplied low quality privately produced coins, which were illegal. Similarly, the introduction of coins failed in Fujian, where silver was already widely used. Zhang's monetary policy was fragmented, with each province's officials making their own decisions on supporting coinage. This led to various issues, such as a revolt in Hangzhou in 1582 when soldiers' salaries were converted into coins in Zhejiang, and the banning of private exchange offices in Jiangxi, which hindered the circulation of new coins. Some provinces also prohibited the export of coins from their territory, while others prohibited coins cast outside their territory. Attempts to introduce new coins into circulation by selling them at a discount only benefited money changers who bought cheap coins from the authorities and resold them at the normal market price. In some cases, attempts to ban the use of illegal private coins resulted in violent protests and the lifting of the bans. While coins cast in Beijing were accepted by the market, low quality private coins continued to dominate in the south. In 1579, Zhang admitted that the attempt to introduce coins had failed. He closed the Yunnan mint the following year and most of the other provincial mints in 1582. However, three mints in Huguang continued to operate, casting different coins and leading to the division of the province into several mint zones. After Zhang's death, his successors and opponents closed most of the mints due to inefficiency. Zhang's opponents argued that the state should not interfere in market and currency affairs and impose a currency that the people did not want. On the other hand, some argued that while silver served as a capital and store of value, coins were essential as a medium of exchange and their production, even if unprofitable, would lead to economic recovery in the long run. In 1599, the Wanli Emperor returned to an expansive monetary policy. The production of new coins was concentrated in Nanjing, where the capacity of mints increased tenfold. However, the circulation of these coins was limited to the immediate vicinity of Nanjing. As a result, there was a surplus of coins in the city, causing their value to decrease from 850 to 1300 per liang of silver. However, in 1606, floods disrupted the import of metals, causing the price of copper to rise. In response, the state limited coin production and laid off 3,000 workers from the mints. These workers then used their knowledge to produce illegal coins. As a result, private coins began to replace national coins within a few years. The government responded by banning the use of private coins, but this caused money changers to stop accepting any coins as a precaution. Nanjing merchants followed suit, leading to riots among the people. This was especially problematic for day laborers and workers who were paid in coins and relied on merchants accepting them for their daily needs. The use of less valuable private coins became more beneficial for their day to day transactions.

Wang Yangming rejected the idea of Confucianism as a fixed belief, stating that "The Way is not the private property of Confucius." He emphasized the importance of self awareness and self knowledge over strict adherence to doctrine. In general, he shifted the focus of Confucianism from following the teachings of past sages to following one's own heart. However, in the 1570s, Zhang Juzheng emerged as a strong opponent of Wang's followers, offering an alternative perspective. Zhang emphasized the pragmatic pursuit of state interests, in contrast to the emphasis on personal improvement within Wang's teachings. He believed that actions that benefited the state and its people were the correct ones, stating "If it is to the benefit of the state, I would do it regardless of life or death." Zhang justified his actions against those who were preoccupied with moral debates and self reflection, viewing them as irresponsible and unproductive. He did not see them as moral role models, but rather as lazy individuals. After the death of Zhang Juzheng in 1584, three Ming philosophers, Hu Juren (c=胡居仁), Chen Xianzhang, and Wang Yangming, were given exceptional official recognition. They were among the supporters of private Confucian academies whose tablets were placed in the Temple of Confucius. Wang Yangming's followers, particularly Wang Gen and his students, known as the Taizhou School, were the most radical in their rejection of Zhuist orthodoxy. In the late 16th century, Li Zhi accused the conformists in authority of hypocrisy, prioritizing their own benefit and career over correctness. He also questioned the infallibility of the classics and defended the legitimacy of human desires. Li Zhi believed that pursuing self interest was good, as it motivated peasants, artisans, and scholars to perform their professions to the best of their abilities. This led to the spread of values such as materialism, pragmatism, and utilitarianism, and the judging of people not by their occupation but by their wealth. As a result, the social status of poor scholars was no longer higher than that of rich merchants. The enthusiasm for Wang Yangming's subjectivism reached its peak at the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries, when individual experience was valued above traditional patterns. These attitudes later influenced the criticality and empiricism of the Qing Confucians. In the late 16th century, there was a growing trend towards syncretism, which seemed to stem from a dissatisfaction with traditional Confucian beliefs. Lin Zhao'en (c=林兆恩), known as the "Master of the Three Teachings", sought to connect Confucianism with Buddhism and Taoism, particularly in regards to Taoist healing practices. Along with his studies in Confucianism, Hu Zhi also delved into Buddhism and Taoism, practicing meditation and ultimately achieving enlightenment. From a Buddhist perspective, this was seen as a "revelation of Buddha Nature", while Confucians viewed it as a "discovery of the heart/mind through innate knowledge". In 1603, Gu Xiancheng, upon the suggestion of his friend Gao Panlong, revived the Donglin Academy as a hub for discussions on Confucianism. This initiative attracted hundreds of educated individuals who engaged in regular debates, quickly establishing the academy as a prominent intellectual center on a national level. The Donglins rejected the Buddhist and Taoist practice of seclusion, instead advocating for active participation in public life. The academy's leaders aimed for a moral revival to improve the political climate of the country. They opposed the devotion to intuition promoted by Wang's follower Wang Ji and the Taizhou School, instead emphasizing disciplined effort and action. Following Zhu Xi's model, they divided their studies between reading books and meditation, which they did not associate with Chan Buddhist, but rather derived from Confucian ritualism.

In his theoretical works, Dong Qichang (1555–1636) from Songjiang, a renowned scholar who excelled in literary composition, painting, and calligraphy from a young age, best expressed the aesthetic rules of the Imperial Painting Academy. While he was primarily known as a theoretician of painting, he also wrote about the history of calligraphy. Dong emphasized the importance of painting as a form of calligraphic expression and encouraged artists to study the techniques of past masters. In order to validate his own artistic abilities, he argued that throughout history, painters were divided into two distinct schools: the ink painting of the Southern School, which strove to express the inner essence of the subject, and the descriptive, decorative tradition of professional "craftsman" painters of the Northern School. He himself positioned himself at the end of the development of the Southern School as the true heir of literati painting, seeking to express the thoughts of the creator rather than seeking material gain. His monumental ink landscapes became the standard for traditional painting, and it was not until the 20th century that the concept of the Northern and Southern Schools was reevaluated. One of the notable painters of the Wanli era was Wu Bin, who worked in Nanjing and later at the Beijing court. He was known for his eccentric style, influenced by the local Fujian tradition and elements of the Wu School, which gave his paintings a sense of elegance and beauty. However, he also incorporated expressive techniques from the Zhe School. Dong Qichang was a dominant figure in the theory and practice of late Ming calligraphy. In his works on calligraphy, he placed the masters of his Songjiang region above those of Suzhou. He stressed the importance of studying calligraphy from the Eastern Jin (4th century) and Tang (7th–9th century) periods,]]
The Yang family, descendants of a 9th century Tang general, controlled a mountainous region on the border of Huguang, Guizhou, and Sichuan. The area spanned over 300 km in the east west direction and slightly less in the north south direction, with its center located in Bozhou. The clan ruled this territory for many centuries and, although originally Chinese, they assimilated and identified with the local Miao tribes over time. Yang Yinglong inherited his position from his father during the Longqing era. He distinguished himself on the Ming side in battles against other natives and Tibetans, and also received recognition from the Ming court for the quality of the wood he supplied. However, he was very ambitious and viewed the Ming troops as weak. Problems with Yang Yinglong's actions continued for the local Ming authorities from 1587. He became involved in disputes between the local Miao tribes and Chinese colonists by attacking the former. Initially, the government in Beijing rejected the local authorities' requests for intervention, stating that there were more pressing matters to attend to and that Yang Yinglong was simply seeking an opportunity to distinguish himself. However, in 1590, open and protracted fighting broke out between Yang Yinglong's warriors and Ming forces. Eventually, Yang Yinglong submitted to the Ming authorities, but was unexpectedly sentenced to execution. In order to secure his release, he offered a large payment and five thousand troops for the war in Korea. After his release, however, he hid in the mountains and plundered a number of prefectures and counties. In 1595, he was caught again and once again escaped punishment by offering a deal. As a result, his son Yang Chaodong was given a hereditary post and another son was sent to Chongqing as a hostage. The emperor considered the matter settled and rewarded the commander. However, within a year, Yang Yinglong was once again leading raids on the provinces of Huguang, Sichuan, and Guizhou, and even declared himself emperor. Over the next three years, his hundred thousand Miao soldiers spread fear throughout the area. Focused on the war in Korea, the Wanli Emperor postponed solving the problems in the relatively peripheral southwest of the empire until early 1599, when he appointed the distinguished official Guo Zichang (1543–1618) as pacification commissioner of Sichuan. The former head of the Censorate, Li Hualong, was promoted to vice minister of war and put in charge of the military affairs of Sichuan, Huguang, and Guizhou. Several generals from Korea were sent to Sichuan, including Li Rumei and the well known and feared Liu Ting (t=劉綎) in the southwest. Fighting with the rebels lasted the rest of the year, while they also attacked the major cities of Chongqing and Chengdu. At the turn of 1599/1600, minor skirmishes took place between the ever strengthening Ming troops and the rebels. In the end, the Ming army had 240,000 soldiers from all over the empire. Yang Yinglong tried to mobilize indigenous warriors against the superior Ming troops, who were much better armed with cannons and rifles. He gathered perhaps up to 150,000 warriors by the end of 1599. However, even the Ming armies were largely composed of local natives. After extensive preparations, Li Hualong planned to attack the rebels from eight directions, each with an army of 30,000 men. He launched the attack at the end of March 1600. The Ming troops systematically pushed back the enemy and in early June, surrounded Yang Yinglong in the mountain fortress of Hailongtun. The fortress fell in a final assault in mid July, with Yang Yinglong killed. According to Li Hualong's final report, over 22,000 rebels were killed in the fighting. Yang Yinglong's chiefdom was then incorporated into the standard Chinese administrative system. In the following decade, Ming military actions continued quite successfully in the southwest, putting down several minor revolts. In an effort to prevent the recurrence of such a large scale rebellion, the Ming authorities organized a systematic policing of the region.

During the Wanli Emperor's reign, there were numerous domestic uprisings and rebellions, with the most significant being the uprisings organized by the White Lotus sect in Shandong in 1587 and 1616. Despite a peace agreement with the Mongol Altan Khan in 1571 and the resumption of Sino Mongol trade, there were occasional armed clashes between the Ming state and its northern neighbors, although they were not a serious threat. These clashes sometimes involved tens of thousands of men. The Ming troops also conducted raids in Mongolia and Manchuria, resulting in the burning of settlements, killing of defiant leaders, and confiscation of livestock. For instance, in 1591, General Li Chengliang destroyed a Mongol camp during a raid, killing 280 Mongols and dispersing over a thousand of them. These types of actions were already an idea of Zhang Juzheng. After 1571, relations with the Mongols living north and northwest of Beijing calmed down. However, the Mongols in Ordos remained restless and continued to raid Gansu. The Ming armies were able to successfully fight them, utilizing Tibetan and Uighur auxiliaries. In the northeast, the Mongols also attacked the Ming Liaodong. They were a formidable force, with up to 30,000–50,000 horsemen in battle. In 1598, even the Ming commander of the region, General Li Rusong, fell in battle against them. There were also occasional conflicts on the southwestern border, where the Burmese violated the borders. In 1582 1583 and again in 1584, a Ming army led by General Liu Ting successfully repelled the Burmese and even penetrated deep into Burma. The Burmese launched another attack in Yunnan in the late 16th century. In response, the governor of Yunnan organized a counter attack with Siam in 1594. In 1600, combined Ming Siamese forces burned the Burmese capital of Pegu. In 1607, the Vietnamese also raided the Yunnan and Guangxi borderlands.

In the 1520s, a civil war broke out in Vietnam between the Mạc dynasty, which had been ruling the northern part of the country since 1527, and the followers of the previous Lê dynasty in the south. In 1592, Lê Thế Tông's army invaded the north and captured Hanoi and most of the country. The followers of the Mạc retreated to Cao Bằng Province and the surrounding area near the Vietnamese Ming border. The government of Lê Thế Tông, led by Trịnh Tùng, who held more power than the monarch, established connections with the Ming regional authorities in an attempt to gain recognition for the Lê dynasty instead of the Mạc. In 1540, Mạc Đăng Dung was recognized by the Ming emperor (the Jiajing Emperor) as the ruler of Vietnam, but the country's status was reduced from a kingdom to a local command (t=都統使司, Dutongshisi), which he administered as a pacification commissioner or commander (t=都統使司, Dutongshiguan, with the lower second rank). In 1597, after a year of negotiations, Lê Thế Tông arrived at the border with a thousand soldiers and servants to meet with a delegation of Ming regional officials in Ming territory. The meeting was held in a friendly manner, with Lê Thế Tông expressing his desire for Vietnam to maintain its status as a tributary kingdom. However, the Ming representatives did not make any commitments. That same year, Lê Thế Tông sent Vice Minister of Works Phùng Khắc Khoan to Beijing as an envoy. Phùng Khắc Khoan made a good impression in Beijing with his classical education, but he was unable to gain recognition for Lê Thế Tông as the King of Vietnam. The Wanli Emperor justified this by stating that the civil war was not yet over and it was uncertain if the Lê dynasty had true support. As a result, Lê Thế Tông only received the seal of the pacification commissioner.

In the early 1570s, the Spanish settled in the Philippines, centered in Manila. Trade with the Spanish was highly profitable for the Chinese, as silk in Manila was bought by the Spanish for double its price in China. The Spanish paid for Chinese goods in American silver, which they imported to China across the Pacific in considerable quantities, estimated to be between 50 and 350 tons per year. This trade between the Spanish Philippines and China flourished, leading to the rapid growth of a Chinatown in Manila. The number of Chinese settlers in Manila increased from forty in the early 1570s to 10,000 in 1588 and 30,000 in 1603. However, the Spanish authorities viewed the Chinese with suspicion and concern. This mutual distrust often resulted in armed clashes, and in 1603, a pogrom occurred in which 20 (according to Chinese sources) or 15 (according to Spanish sources) thousand Chinese lost their lives. During the 1540s, American silver was also introduced to China through the extensive Portuguese trade. Lisbon elites were known to wear Chinese silks, drink Chinese tea, and order porcelain with European motifs from China. The Portuguese had settled in Macau with the consent of local authorities as early as the 1550s. In 1578, they were granted permission to trade in Canton and have continued to do so since then. At the end of the 16th century, between 6 and 30 tons of silver were transported annually from Portugal to Macau. The Dutch also played a significant role in the trade, with the turnover of their trade at the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries matching that of the Portuguese. By 1614, Amsterdam burghers were regularly purchasing blue and white Ming porcelain. In addition to merchants, missionaries also traveled to China from Europe. The Jesuits, in particular, were successful in spreading the Christian faith through their strategic approach of honoring missionaries. Notable figures such as Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci gained the trust of Chinese dignitaries and were able to persuade some to convert to Christianity. The Jesuits were highly esteemed in Beijing's upper circles for their expertise in mathematics and astronomy, and Ricci was even accepted by the emperor. In China, silver was a scarce commodity, making it more valuable than in other countries. This was well known to European traders, who took advantage of the relative cheapness of Chinese goods. As a result, Chinese silk became popular in other parts of the world, such as Latin American countries like Peru and Mexico. This led to a decline in local silk production in Mexico, which had only been introduced by the Spanish a short time before. On the other hand, the textile industry, which utilized Chinese silk, flourished and even exported to European markets. By the 1630s, there was a significant Chinese community in Mexico City, and they also resided in other areas like Acapulco. After the unification of Japan, the discovery of new silver mines and the improvement of mining techniques, the extraction and export of silver from Japan increased dramatically, particularly to Ming China. Between 1560 and 1600, the annual export of silver ranged from 33 to 49 tons. However, due to the Ming ban on trade with Japan, the import of Japanese silver was facilitated by the Portuguese. In the early 17th century, Japanese silver exports continued to rise, with the import of luxury goods such as silk (reaching up to 280 tons per year in the 1630s). Silk was so abundant and inexpensive in Japan that even some peasants were able to afford it, leading to a rise in its popularity among the lower classes.

In the autumn of 1618, the first Russian ambassadors arrived in Beijing. Led by Ivan Petlin, a group of Siberian Cossacks had been sent to China by the Tobolsk voivode Ivan Kurakin on the orders of Tsar Mikhail Fyodorovich. The journey began in May 1618 from Tomsk and involved crossing the mountains on the Russian Mongolian border, passing through Mongolia and the Gobi, and finally arriving in Beijing in early September. However, due to the lack of gifts or credentials, the Cossacks were not granted an audience with the emperor by Ming officials. Despite this, they were warmly received at the Ministry of Rites and were given a letter from the Wanli Emperor, agreeing to future Russian missions and the arrival of Russian merchants. After a few days, the Russians began their return journey, arriving back in Tomsk in May 1619 and eventually reaching Moscow by the end of the year. However, due to Russia's focus on European affairs, there were no further official contacts with China until the end of the Ming dynasty.

In 1583, Nurhaci, the leader of one of the many Jurchen tribes in southern Manchuria, began to establish his own state. He united the Jurchens with the support of the Ming dynasty, particularly General Li Chengliang. However, some Ming officials grew concerned about Nurhaci's growing power and called for his destruction in 1587. However, this issue was not resolved due to discussions within the Ming administration. Nurhaci acknowledged his subordinate relationship to the Ming dynasty and paid tribute in 1590 and 1597 by personally visiting Beijing. By the early 1590s, Nurhaci's state had a large military force, estimated at 30–40,000 horsemen and 10,000 infantry. The Ming authorities declined his offer to lead his army into Korea against the Japanese. In 1599, as part of building his state, Nurhaci introduced a new Manchu script and in 1601, a new organization based on banners. In 1603, he reached an agreement with Ming generals in Liaodong to define the borders. In 1618, Nurhaci had gained control over all the Jurchen tribes except for Yehe and Haixi, who were under Ming protection. An attack on these tribes would trigger a war with China, which is exactly what Nurhaci provoked by raiding Fushun in May 1618. The Ming retaliated with an expedition in early April 1619, after extensive and costly preparations. Yang Hao, a former commander in Liaodong and leader of the Ming forces in Korea from 1597–1598, was put in charge of the overall command. The army was divided into four corps, led by experienced generals (from north to south) Ma Lin, Du Song, Li Rubai, and Liu Ting. The Ming troops consisted of about 100,000 men, including 83,000 Chinese, with the rest being Korean and Jurchen allies. On the other hand, Nurhaci had 50–60,000 soldiers at his disposal, but unlike the Chinese, he did not divide them. Instead, he used his knowledge of the terrain, weather, and mobility to his advantage and crushed the individual Ming corps one by one. First, he defeated Du Song's corps on 14 April, followed by Ma Lin's the next day. Yang Hao, in response, ordered a retreat, and while Li Rubai attempted to retreat as well, the order did not reach Liu Ting and his corps, resulting in their defeat on 20 April. Generals Du Song and Liu Ting both fell in battle. After defeating the Ming, Nurhaci joined forces with the remaining Jurchens and occupied Kaiyuan, where he killed General Ma Lin, and Tieling in northern Liaodong. As a result of the defeat, Li Rubai was accused of cowardice and committed suicide under the weight of criticism, while Yang Hao was imprisoned and executed in 1629.

In the final months of his life, the Wanli Emperor's health deteriorated significantly. In 1620, he experienced severe dizziness and was confined to his bed. Finally, he died on 18 August 1620. The day after his death, an edict was issued ordering the transfer of one million liang of silver from the emperor's treasury to the frontier troops. Two days later, an additional million was sent from the treasury to strengthen the defenses of Liaodong. The edict also called for the abolition of mining and trade dues, and the dismissal of the eunuchs responsible for collecting them. On 28 August, the Wanli Emperor's eldest son, Zhu Changluo, ascended the throne as the Taichang Emperor. The Taichang Emperor relied on representatives and sympathizers of the Donglin movement, who were soon appointed to high positions. However, he soon fell ill and died on 26 September 1620. His fifteen year old son, Zhu Youjiao, became the new emperor as the Tianqi Emperor. Tianqi enjoyed working with wood, making furniture and wooden models of the palace, but he did not enjoy his official duties. During this time, there was a power struggle between the official and eunuch groups in the government. Initially, the Donglins had the upper hand, but from 1624, the court was dominated by the eunuch Wei Zhongxian. In 1627, after the death of the Tianqi Emperor, his younger brother Zhu Youjian ascended the throne as the Chongzhen Emperor and removed Wei Zhongxian's clique. However, due to suspicion and a lack of purpose, he was unable to control the factionalism among officials and assemble a capable administration. While the government was consumed by internal strife, conditions in the countryside worsened in the 1620s. From 1628, northern China was ravaged by war between rebellious peasants (Li Zicheng rebellion) and the government army. As a result, starving people fled to the cities and entire counties were destroyed in the countryside. The gentry were shocked by the depth of resentment of the poor against the rich, and the state administration began to disintegrate. In 1644, Li Zicheng's army captured Beijing and the Chongzhen Emperor committed suicide. General Wu Sangui, who commanded the Ming border army north of Beijing, saw no other option but to submit to the Qing dynasty (which was renamed in the mid 1630s from the Jurchen state founded by Nurhaci). With the support of the landlords and gentry, the Qing army quickly defeated the rebels and took control of northern China. In the following years, they also conquered the south of the country. In 1662, Wu Sangui, at the head of the Qing army, detained and executed the last Ming emperor, Zhu Youlang, in Yunnan.

One of the many historical accounts of the Wanli Emperor and his reign is a unique book written by the eunuch Liu Ruoyu (t=劉若愚, 1584 – c. 1642) titled The Eunuch's Diary (Long zhong zhi, c=隆中志). This book provides a detailed description of life in the palace during that time. The Wanli Emperor is often portrayed in traditional Chinese historiography as one of the main causes of the decline and fall of the Ming dynasty. Classical Chinese historians focused on his greed, misuse of eunuch power, factionalism within the government, seclusion in the Forbidden City, indulgence in alcohol and sex, extravagant tomb construction, and political blunders. The History of Ming (the official Ming history completed in 1739) and subsequent works depict him as a lazy, selfish, and reckless ruler who only cared about his harem and neglected state affairs. The animosity of Confucian scholars towards the Wanli Emperor stemmed from different visions of the state and the emperor's protection of military officers against complaints from civilian officials who controlled the administration at the time. Even modern Chinese works on the Wanli Emperor continue to adhere to this traditional perspective. Furthermore, Western historiography tends to adopt the viewpoint of Chinese Confucians and perpetuates it. For instance, Charles Hucker in his Dictionary of Ming Biography (1976) echoes Ray Huang's portrayal of the Wanli Emperor in his books 1587, a Year of No Significance: The Ming Dynasty in Decline (1981), as well as in his chapter on the Wanli Emperor in the Cambridge History of China, Volume 7 (1988). It is primarily Ray Huang who is responsible for the Western perception of the Wanli Emperor as an isolated and frustrated emperor, "trapped" by his own bureaucracy. The downfall of the Ming political system can be attributed to its reliance on ideological and moral principles. Zhang Juzheng, in his pursuit of effective rule through personal relationships, faced criticism from his opponents who focused on his personal life, deeming it immoral and illegitimate. This led to a lack of focus on the practical outcomes of his policies. After Zhang Juzheng's death, the government became divided into factions, with officials in the Censorate and ministries engaging in feuds and purging Zhang's supporters. As a result, important reforms were neglected, and the emperor's indecisiveness only worsened the situation. The emperor was not interested in ruling according to the ideas of his officials, preferring to act according to his own will and disliking being pressured. However, he lacked the qualities of an effective despot. His mishandling of the succession question also eliminated the Grand Secretariat as a potential center for government restructuring—as attempted by Gao Gong and Zhang Juzheng—as its Grand Secretaries were suspected by the government of supporting the emperor, depriving them of the ability to mediate between the ruler and the government. The Wanli Emperor, like Zhang Juzheng, attempted to increase the military strength of the empire, control the civilian bureaucracy, reduce factionalism, and rely more on military officers rather than civil officials. During the first three decades of his reign, he devoted himself greatly to military affairs and did not hesitate to allocate funds for the army, including the 1619 expedition. Despite the defeat in 1619, he made efforts to protect the officers, such as Li Rubai, who were targeted by the government. During the Wanli era, the Ming armies maintained control over the border with the Mongols, intervened in border disputes in Burma, conducted raids in Mongolia and Manchuria, suppressed a major rebellion in Ningxia, participated in the war in Korea, and deployed 200,000 soldiers to suppress a rebellion in Sichuan and quell minor rebellions. However, after the Battle of Sarhu, the Ming government became embroiled in factional conflicts and began to blame others for their failures. Later Chinese Confucian scholars emphasized the defeats at Sarhu and downplayed the previous victories achieved by eunuchs, soldiers, and the emperor.

Portrayed by Jang Tae sung in the 2015 South Korean television series The Jingbirok: A Memoir of Imjin War.

The Wanli Emprror was buried in the Ming tombs at the base of the Tianshou Mountain, located outside of Beijing. This site is the final resting place for thirteen of the sixteen emperors who reigned from 1368 to 1644. The Wanli Emperor's burial complex, known as Dingling Mausoleum, was constructed between 1584 and 1590. It consists of three walled courtyards, each containing smaller buildings. The second and third courtyards are separated by a three tiered terrace, which leads to a vast sacrificial hall measuring 30x67 meters. At the back of the third courtyard stands a mound surrounded by a three meter high rampart. In 1956–1957, Chinese archaeologists excavated the mound and discovered an underground structure. This structure includes an entrance hall, an outer hall, a middle hall, and a proper burial chamber. The middle hall is accessible through entrances on the left and right side chambers, as well as the back of the chamber. The burial chamber, which is 9.1x30 meters and 9.5 meters high, is larger than the other rooms. The entrance is located in the middle of the longer side. Inside the burial chamber, archaeologists found wooden coffins containing the remains of the emperor, empress, and the Taichang Emperor's mother. Over three thousand objects were also discovered, including jewelry, gold and silver items, jade and porcelain objects, clothing, and the crowns of the emperor and empress. Archaeological survey conducted in the 1950s has been considered unprofessionally carried out in China since the 1990s. Yang Ren and Yue Nan criticized the excavations from the 1950s in their publication Fengxue Dingling (风雪定陵), Beijing: Liberation Army Art Press, 1991. Due to a lack of necessary knowledge, it was not possible to preserve and protect wooden and textile artifacts. The report of the survey was compiled in 1986 based on the preserved notes of the participants in the excavations. Additionally, many of the discovered objects, including the remains of the emperor and his wives, were destroyed by the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution.