Сардиния және Біріккен Италия Корольдігінің Конституциясы (1848-1948)

Constitution of the kingdoms of Sardinia (1848–61) and unified Italy (1861–1948)

The Statuto Albertino (English: Albertine Statute) was the constitution granted by King Charles Albert of Sardinia to the Kingdom of Sardinia on 4 March 1848 and written in Italian and French. The Statute later became the constitution of the unified Kingdom of Italy and remained in force, with changes, until 1948. Charles Albert did not want to grant a Constitutional Charter so he attempted to maintain as much power as he could even though the Statute marked the end of his absolute monarchy. The Constitution established a uninominal majoritarian electoral system and initially gave suffrage to wealthy males over the age of 25. In 1919, the uninominal majoritarian system was altered into a proportional representation system. CARLO ALBERTO, by the grace of God, KING OF SARDINIA, OF CYPRUS, AND OF JERUSALEM Etc., Etc., Etc. With regal loyalty and fatherly love We come today to accomplish what We had announced to Our most beloved subjects with Our proclamation of the 8th of the February last, with which We wanted to demonstrate, in the midst of the extraordinary events which surround the country, how Our confidence in them increases with the gravity of the circumstances and, heeding only of the impulses of Our heart, how determined is Our intention to adapt their destiny to the spirit of the times, for the interest and for the dignity of the Nation. Having considered the broad and strong representative institutions contained in the present Fundamental Statute to be the most certain means of redoubling with the links of indissoluble affection that bind to Our Italian Crown a People who have given Us so many proofs of faith, of obedience and of love, We have determined to sanction it and to promulgate it, in the faith that God will bless Our intentions, and that the free, strong and happy Nation will always show itself ever more worthy of its ancient fame and will deserve a glorious future. For this reason, by Our certain Royal authority, having had the opinion of Our Concil, We have ordered and We do order with the force of Statute and fundamental Law, perpetual and irrevocable from the Monarchy, that which follows:

The Statute declared all citizens equal before the law, with equal civil and political rights regardless of ranks and titles, and made all citizens eligible for civil and military offices, except for the restrictions provided by the law. All citizens were required to pay taxes in proportion to their possessions. The Statute granted the rights of habeas corpus, guaranteeing personal liberty and inviolability of the residence. Nobody could be arrested or brought to trial, or have his home searched, except in those cases and in the manners prescribed by the law. All properties were inviolable. However, if public interest mandated it, citizens could be required to give up all or part of their property with due compensation and in accordance with the law. Freedom of the press was granted, but the government was empowered to punish abuses of this freedom. Moreover, the Statute granted the Bishops the sole authority to grant permission to print bibles, catechisms, liturgical and prayer books until 1870. Citizens had the right to freely assemble, peacefully and unarmed (the right to keep and bear arms was not recognised), though the government could regulate this right in the interest of public welfare. However, assemblies in public places were still subjected to police regulation. Taxes could not be levied or collected without the consent of the Chambers and the King. The public debt is guaranteed and every obligation of the State to its creditors had to be met.

Senators were appointed by the King for life, and had to be at least 40 years old. but the day of celebration later became the first Sunday of June. This national day originally meant to represent the achievement of liberty but by time the national day was seen as a celebration to the monarchy itself, and continued to be seen in the same way even after Benito Mussolini acquired power.

Since the first years of the Statute's life, a practice had developed which had apparently shifted the form of Government of the Kingdom from the pure constitutional one (like the Constitution of the German Empire of 1871, or of the French Constitutions of 1814 and 1830, in which the Government had to enjoy the trust of the King and him alone, and Parliament had no say in its physiological course), to a form that recalled that of the British cabinet. This customary development was contested by Sidney Sonnino when, on January 1897, published an article, Torniamo allo Statuto (Let's go back to the Statute): it became the political manifesto of the right wing parties for two decades. Indeed, from an analysis of various critical junctures in the history of the Kingdom of Italy, it was believed that the substance of power has always been in the hands of the King alone and the few men who enjoyed his trust. Many elements confirm this impression: just three people «led Italy to participate in the First World War (King, Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs), precisely in strict application of Article 5 of the Statute, without Parliament being able to formally express an orientation about the war».