Карлистік қозғалысы: Испан тағына талас және дәстүршілдік идеология

Political movement supporting the claim to the Spanish throne by Don Carlos and his successors

Carlism (; ; ; Lang es) is a Traditionalist and Legitimist political movement in Spain aimed at establishing an alternative branch of the Bourbon dynasty, one descended from Don Carlos, Count of Molina (1788–1855), on the Spanish throne. The movement was founded as a consequence of an early 19th century dispute over the succession of the Spanish monarchy and widespread dissatisfaction with the Alfonsine line of the House of Bourbon, and subsequently found itself becoming a notable element of Spanish conservatism in its 19th century struggle against liberalism, which repeatedly broke out into military conflicts known as the Carlist Wars. It was at its strongest in the 1830s but experienced a revival following Spain's defeat in the Spanish–American War in 1898, when the Spanish Empire lost its last remaining significant overseas territories of the Philippines, Cuba, Guam, and Puerto Rico to the United States. Carlism continued to play a notable role in the 20th century as part of the Nationalist faction in the Spanish Civil War and the subsequently triumphant Francoist regime until the Spanish transition to democracy in 1975. Carlism continues to survive as a minor party:

Objectively considered, Carlism appears as a political movement. It arose under the protection of a dynastic flag that proclaimed itself "legitimist", and that rose to the death of Ferdinand VII, in the year 1833, with enough echo and popular roots, they distinguish in it three cardinal bases that define it:a) A dynastic flag: that of legitimacy. b) A historical continuity: that of Las Españas. c) And a legal political doctrine: the traditionalist. |¿Qué es el Carlismo?

Traditionally, all but one of the Spanish kingdoms allowed the succession of daughters in the absence of sons and of sisters in the absence of brothers (male preference primogeniture). The one exception, Aragon, tended to favour semi Salicism. The most elaborate rules formed the "Seven part code" (Siete partidas) of the late 13th century. On 1 November 1700 a French Bourbon prince, Philip V, acceded to the Spanish throne. In the French royal house, Salic law applied, which did not permit female succession. Accordingly, the traditional Spanish order of succession had to give way to a semi Salic system, which excluded women from the crown unless all males in the agnatic descent from Philip, in any branch, became extinct. It is not implausible that this change might have been enacted at the insistence of a hostile foreign power, as the scenario of such a union could impinge profoundly on questions of national importance (particularly among states that preferred to maintain their distance from policy positions occupied by the Franco Spanish consensus, of which the Holy Roman Empire was one). Some disagreement on this topic was evident for a number of years, even after it became clear that any question of a Franco Spanish union was a political non starter. Although the Spanish government made several attempts to revert to the traditional order, as in the Decree of 1789 by Charles IV (see below), the succession question became pressing only when, by 1830, Ferdinand VII found himself ailing, without any issue, but with a pregnant wife. He decided in 1830 to promulgate the 1789 decree, securing the crown for the unborn child even if female. The law placed the child, Princess Isabel, ahead of Ferdinand's brother Infante Carlos, who until then had been heir presumptive. Many contemporaries (starting with the King's brother and the cadet Bourbon branches) saw the changed succession as illegal on various counts. They formed the basis for the dynastic Carlist party, which only recognized the semi Salic succession law that gave Infante Carlos precedence over Ferdinand's daughter, the future Isabella II.

As in many European countries, after the Napoleonic occupation, the Spanish political class was split between the "absolutists", supporters of the ancien régime, and the Liberals, influenced by the ideas of the French Revolution. The long war for Spain's independence from the Napoleonic Empire left a large supply of experienced guerrilla fighters and an oversized military officialdom—for the most part, staunch Liberals. The perceived success of the uprising of 1808 against Napoleon left also a broad, if unconscious, belief in the validity of the right of rebellion, with long lasting effects on the politics of Spain and Spanish America, extending through the 19th century and beyond. The reign of Ferdinand VII proved unable to overcome the political divide or to create stable institutions. The so called Liberal Triennium (1820–1823) re instated the 1812 constitution after a military "pronunciamiento", but was followed by the Ominous Decade (1823–1833), ten years of absolute rule by the king, that left bitter memories of persecution in both parties. While in power, both groups had divided themselves into moderate and radical branches. The radical branch of the absolutists (or royalists), known as the Apostólicos, looked upon the heir presumptive, Don Carlos, as its natural head, as he was profoundly devout and, especially after 1820, staunchly anti liberal. In 1827, Catalonia was shaken by the rebellion of the Agreujats or Agraviados ("the Aggrieved"), an ultra absolutist movement, which, for a time, controlled large parts of the region. The infante was for the first time then hailed as king. He denied any involvement. The last years of King Ferdinand saw a political realignment due to the troubles surrounding his succession. In October 1832, the King formed a moderate royalist government under Francisco Cea Bermúdez, which almost succeeded in curbing the Apostolic party and, through an amnesty, in gaining liberal support for Isabella's right to succeed under the regency of her mother, Maria Christina of Bourbon Two Sicilies. If only to get rid of Don Carlos, the Liberals accepted the new Princess of Asturias. Moreover, the first years of the 1830s were influenced by the failure of the French Restoration, which meant the end of Bourbon rule in France, and the civil war in Portugal between both legitimist and liberal parties.

Besides this political evolution, the years before the Carlist wars were marked by a deep economic crisis in Spain, partly spurred by the loss of the continental American provinces, and by the bankruptcy of the state. The last triggered enhanced tax pressures which further fueled social unrest. Certain economic measures proposed by the Liberals (such as the Desamortización, i. e. the takeover, division and sale of the commons and Church property, initiated in 1821) were directly threatening the viability of many small farms, whose residents were accustomed to rely on the common pasture lands to feed, at little or no cost, their mules and oxen. Widespread poverty followed, as did the closure of most hospitals, schools and other charities. An important factor was the religious question. The radical liberals (progresistas) after 1820 had grown more and more anticlerical, strongly opposing religious institutes. They were suspected of being adherents of Freemasonry. This policy alienated them from many sectors of the (mostly deeply Catholic) Spanish people, especially in rural areas. The only institution abolished in the "Liberal Triennium" that was not restored by Ferdinand VII was the Inquisition. One of the demands of the radical absolutist party was its reinstitution. Liberals had been, while in power, quite doctrinaire, pursuing centralization and uniform administration. Besides the Basque Country, in many regions of Spain there were intense particularist feelings, which were thus hurt. While only a secondary factor at the outbreak of the first Carlist war, this anti uniformist localism, exemplified in the defence of the fueros, would become in time one of the more important banners of Carlism. This won Carlism support in the Basque territories (Navarre, Gipuzkoa, Biscay and Araba), as well as the old realms of the Crown of Aragon (Aragon, Catalonia and Valencia), as those areas resented the abolition of their ancient self government privileges by issuance of the Nueva Planta Decrees.

The period of the Carlist Wars, during which the party tried to attain power mainly through military means, is both classical Carlism, because the wars – or the threat of them – placed Carlism on the centre stage of Spain's political history, and formative, as Carlism evolved the cultural and sociological form it would retain for well over a hundred years. Historical highlights of this era are the:
First Carlist War (1833–1840)—a civil war in Spain from 1833 to 1840, fought between factions over the succession to the throne and the nature of the Spanish monarchy. It was fought between supporters of the regent, Maria Christina, acting for Isabella II of Spain, and those of the late king's brother, Carlos de Borbón (or Carlos V). The Carlists' goal was the return to an absolute monarchy. Portugal, France and the United Kingdom supported the regency, and sent volunteer and even regular forces to confront the Carlist army. Affair of the Spanish Marriages (1846) was a series of intrigues between France, Spain, and the United Kingdom relating to the marriages of Queen Isabella II of Spain and her sister the infanta Luisa Fernanda. Second Carlist War (1847–1849)—was a minor Catalan uprising. The rebels tried to install Carlos VI on the throne. In Galicia, the uprising was on a smaller scale. The war was ostensibly fought to facilitate the marriage of Isabella II with the Carlist pretender, Carlos de Borbón (or Carlos VI), but Isabella II was instead wed to Francisco de Borbón. The 1860 expedition and its aftermath. That year the Count of Montemolín tried to seize power through a pronunciamiento. He landed in Sant Carles de la Ràpita (Tarragona), but was quickly detained, and forced to renounce his rights. This calamity, his behaviour after release, and the fact that the next in the line was his liberal brother, drove Carlism to the brink of extinction. It was only saved by the hand of his stepmother, the Maria Theresa of Braganza, Princess of Beira; and
The "Glorious Revolution" 1868. Isabella II managed to alienate almost everybody in Spain, until she was expelled that year by a progressivist revolution. At that point, Carlism, under its new head Carlos VII, became the rallying point for many political Catholics and conservatives, becoming the main bloc of right wing opposition to the ensuing governments in Spain. After four years of political activity, and some hesitation, the martial option was again tried in
The Third Carlist War (1872–1876).

The loss of prestige and subsequent fall of Isabel II in 1868, plus the staunch support of Carlism by Pope Pius IX, led a sizable number of former Isabelline conservative Catholics (e. g., Francisco Navarro Villoslada, Antonio Aparisi, Cándido Nocedal, Alejandro Pidal) to join the Carlist cause. For a time, even beyond the start of the third war (1872), it became the most important, and best organized, "right wing" opposition group to the revolutionary regime, with some 90 members of parliament in 1871. After the defeat, a group (led by Alejandro Pidal) left Carlism to form a moderate, non dynastic Catholic party in Spain, which later merged with the conservatives of Antonio Cánovas del Castillo. In 1879 Cándido Nocedal was charged with the reorganization of the party. His main weapon was a very aggressive press (in 1883 Pope Leo XIII published the encyclical Cum multa, trying to moderate it). His stance was an uncompromising adherence to the Carlists' political and, especially, religious principles (hence the term "integrist"). This tendency became so radical that in 1888, Carlos VII had to expel the group centred around Ramón Nocedal, Cándido's son, which thus gave rise to another small, but in clerical circles influential, Integrist Party. Meanwhile, Marquis de Cerralbo built up a modern mass party, centered around the local assemblies (called "Círculos", of which several hundred existed throughout Spain in 1936) and their social action programmes, and in active opposition to the political system of the Restoration (participating even in broad coalitions, such as 1907's "Solidaritat Catalana", with regionalists and republicans). During electoral campaigns the Carlists, except Navarre, achieved little success. From 1893 to 1918, Juan Vázquez de Mella was its most important parliamentary leader and ideologue, seconded by Víctor Pradera, who had wide influence on Spanish conservative thinking beyond the party. World War I had a special influence on Carlism. As the Carlist claimant, then Jaime, Duke of Madrid, had close ties to the Russian Imperial Family, had been mistreated by Austrian Emperor Franz Josef, and was also Head of the House of Bourbon, he favoured the Allies, but was living under house arrest in Austria, at Schloss Frohsdorf, with almost no communication with the political leadership in Spain. As the war ended and Don Jaime could again freely communicate with Spain, a crisis erupted, and Vázquez de Mella and others had to leave the party's leadership (the so called "Mellists"). In 1920, Carlism helped to found the "Sindicatos Libres" (Catholic Labour Unions) to counter the increased influence of leftist trade unions over the working class, clinging to a difficult balance between labour claims and the interests of the upper class, to whom Carlism was so attached. Miguel Primo de Rivera's dictatorship (1923–1930) was opposed but ambiguously viewed by Carlism, which, like most parties, entered a period of slumber, only to be awakened by the coming of the Second Republic in 1931. In the run up to the proclamation of the Republic, the Carlists got together with the re founded Basque Nationalist Party within the pro charters Coalición Católico Fuerista in the core areas of Carlism, the Basque region, thus providing the springboard for the draft Basque Statute. In October 1931, Carlist claimant to the Spanish throne Duke Jaime died. He was succeeded by the 82 year old claimant Alfonso Carlos de Borbón, reuniting under him the integralists led by Olazábal and the "Mellists". They represented a region based Spanish nationalism with an entrenched identification of Spain and Catholicism. The ensuing radicalized Carlist scene overshadowed the "Jaimists" with a Basque inclination. The Basque( Navarrese) Statute failed to take off over disagreements on the centrality of Catholicism in 1932, with the new Carlist party Comunión Tradicionalista opting for an open confrontation with the Republic. The Republic established a secular approach of the regime, a division of Church and state, as well as freedom of cults, as France did in 1905, an approach traditionalists could not stand. The Comunión Tradicionalista (1932) showed an ultra Catholic, anti secular position, and plotted for a military takeover, while adopting far right apocalyptic views and talking of a final clash with an alliance of alleged anti Christian forces. The most extreme proponent of these views was Juan Vazquez de Mella, who argued that Jewish capital had financed the liberal revolution and was now behind the Communist revolution in order, in union with the "Muslim hordes" (even the native tribesmen of the Rif fighting for their freedom), to destroy Christian civilization and impose a "Jewish tyranny on the world". At the time, a Rothschild Marx link and a bridgehead laid over Spain was being cited in the far right circles to found these claims. In Navarre, the main Carlist stronghold, the movement revolved around the newspaper El Pensamiento Navarro, read almost exclusively by the clergy and second in circulation to El Diario de Navarra, another ultra Conservative daily with an anti Basque streak. The dormant paramilitary Requeté of the early 20th century was activated. As early as May 1931, Jaime del Burgo (father of the 1979 UPN namesake party leader) and other Jaimist young members organized arms smuggling from Eibar to distribute them among "defence" parties called Decurias, counting on the financing of wealthy personalities (big landowners, etc.). In 1932, the first coup d'état attempt took place against the Republic in the Sanjurjada, with a Carlist inspiration. The October 1934 Revolution cost the life of the Carlist deputy Marcelino Oreja Elósegui, with Manuel Fal Condé taking over from young Carlists clustering around the AET (Jaime del Burgo and Mario Ozcoidi) in their pursuit to overthrow the Republic. The Carlists started to prepare for an armed definite clash with the Republic and its different leftist groups. From the initial defensive Decurias of Navarre (deployed in party seats and churches), the Requeté grew into a well trained and strongest offensive paramilitary group in Spain when Manuel Fal Condé took the reins. It numbered 30,000 red berets (8,000 in Navarre and 22,000 in Andalusia).

The Carlist militia, the Requetés, had been receiving military training during the Second Spanish Republic but had significant ideological differences with many of the conspiring generals. With the July 1936 revolt and the ensuing Spanish Civil War, the Carlists fell naturally if uneasily on the side of the Nationalist rebels. General Mola, known for his openness on his no holds barred, criminal approach, had just been relocated away to Pamplona by the Republican authorities, ironically to the very heart of the far right rebellion. In May 1936, the General met with Ignacio Baleztena, a Navarrese Carlist figure at the head of the Requetés, offering the participation of 8,400 voluntaries to support the uprising, turned into a counter revolutionary reaction. The principles divide between Manuel Fal Conde and Mola (basically a Falangist) almost broke the understanding for a Carlist allegiance to the coup on 4 July 1936. However, rebellious cooperation against the legitimate Republican government was restored by the intervention of Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, count of Rodezno. The highest Carlist authority, Duke Alfonso Carlos, did not approve of the pact, but all the same, by then Mola was negotiating directly with the Carlist Navarre Council (Junta Navarra), one that opted for the support of the uprising. On 19 July, the state of war was declared in Pamplona and the Carlist corps (tercio) in the city took over. In a few days, just about all of Navarre was occupied by the military and the Requetés. There was no front. Immediately the rebels, with a direct participation of the Requetés and the clergy (the Carlist core in Navarre), engaged in a brutal repression to stamp out dissent that affected all inconvenient, mildly progressive, or Basque nationalist inhabitants and personalities. The killing in the rearguard took a direct death toll (extrajudicial executions) ranging from 2,857 to c. 4,000. A bleak scene of social humiliation and submission ensued for those surviving. The Carlists' prospects in Gipuzkoa and Biscay were not auspicious. The military coup failed, and Carlist units were overwhelmed by forces loyal to the Republic, i. e. different leftist forces and the Basque nationalists. Many crossed the front line to make themselves safe in the rebel zone, and added to the Carlist regiments in Álava and Navarre. Pamplona became the rebel launching point for the War in the North. On 8 December 1936, Fal Conde had to leave temporarily for Portugal after a major clash with Franco. On 19 April 1937 the Carlist political bloc was "unified" with the Falange under the pro Franco, umbrella nationalist party, Falange Española Tradicionalista de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista or FET de las JONS. Unwilling to leave the Nationalist movement, but unhappy with the merger, the new Carlist claimant Javier, prince de Borbón Parma, condemned those Carlists who joined the new party. He was expelled from the country, while Fal Conde was not allowed to return to Spain until after the war. Low level Carlists, with the notable exception of those in Navarre, generally distanced themselves from the workings of the new party and in many cases never joined at all.

Henceforth, the mainstream kept an uncomfortable minority position inside the regime, more often than not at odds with its official policy, although the Ministry of Justice was thrice given to a loyal "Carlist" (who was accordingly expelled from the Traditionalist Communion). This time was also marred by the problem of succession and internal strife over Francoism. Carlist ministers in Franco's August 1939 cabinet included General José Enrique Varela at army, and Esteban Bilbao at justice. At the same time, two of nine seats in the Junta Política were given to Carlists. Of the hundred member National Council of the FET, seven seats were occupied by Carlists. Carlists continued to clash with Falangists, notably in an incident at Bilbao's Basilica of Begoña on 16 August 1942. Accounts of the violence vary, but a Carlist rally (where some allegedly shouted anti Franco slogans) was targeted by two grenades hurled by Falangists. While alleged fatalities and the number of those injured have long been disputed, the incident led to a shakeup of the Franco cabinet and the judicial conviction of six Falangists (one, Juan José Domínguez, was executed for the crime). In 1955, Fal Conde resigned as Jefe Delegado of the movement and was replaced by José María Valiente, who formally assumed the title in 1960. The change marked a shift from opposition to collaboration with Francoism, and the rapprochement ended in 1968 when Valiente left office. Franco recognized both the titles of nobility conceded by the Carlist claimants and those of the Isabelline branch. At his death, the movement was badly split, and unable to get wide public attention again. In 1971, Don Carlos Hugo, prince de Borbón Parma founded the new Carlist Party based on the confederalist vision for Las Españas ("the Spains") and socialist autogestion (then promoted in Yugoslavia). At Montejurra, on 9 May 1976, adherents of the old and new versions of Carlism brawled. Two Hugo supporters were killed by far right militants, among whom was Stefano Delle Chiaie. The Carlist Party accused Hugo's younger brother, Don Sixto Enrique de Borbón Parma, of aiding the militants, which collaboration the Traditionalist Communion denies.

At the death of Alfonso Carlos in 1936 most Carlists supported Prince Xavier of Bourbon Parma whom Alfonso Carlos had named as regent of the Carlist Communion. A minority of Carlists supported Archduke Karl Pius of Austria, Prince of Tuscany, a grandson through the female line of Carlos VII. A fringe movement of Carlists supported Alfonso XIII, the exiled constitutional king of Spain, who was the senior male descendant of King Charles IV. The majority of Carlists, however, considered Alfonso disqualified because he did not share the Carlist ideals (and, importantly, because Spanish law excluded from succession the descendants of those who commit treason against the king, as Carlists deem Alfonso's male line ancestors to have done once Francisco de Paula recognized the reign of Isabella II). Many also regarded his descent as illegitimate, believing that Alfonso XII's biological father was a lover of Queen Isabella's rather than her husband. Most of the following events happened under the regime of Francisco Franco, who skillfully played each faction off against the others.

The eldest daughter of Infante Carlos, Duke of Madrid, was Blanca de Borbón y Borbón Parma (1868–1949). She married Archduke Leopold Salvator of Austria (1863–1931). In 1943, one of their sons presented himself as a Carlist claimant in succession to his great uncle Alfonso Carlos. Since this claim comes through a female line, it is rejected by most Carlists:
Archduke Karl Pius of Austria, Prince of Tuscany, was a Carlist claimant from 1943 to 1953. He was supported by some of General Franco's officials from the Movimiento Nacional. As he assumed the title of "King Carlos VIII", the movement that supports this branch of the family is called Carloctavismo. Archduke Anton of Austria, Prince of Tuscany, was the brother of Karl Pius and was a Carlist claimant (Carlos IX) from 1953 to 1961. Archduke Franz Josef of Austria, Prince of Tuscany, was the brother of Karl Pius and Anton and was a Carlist claimant (Francisco I) from 1961 to 1975. Archduke Dominic of Austria, Prince of Tuscany, is the son of Anton and has been a Carlist claimant (Domingo I) since 1975. In 2012, Senator Iñaki Anasagasti of the Basque Country proposed the idea of creating a united Basque Navarrese Catalan monarchy with Archduke Dominic of Austria its king.

Carlism or Traditionalism can be labelled as a counter revolutionary movement. Carlism's intellectual landscape was a reaction against the basic tenets of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution of 1789; laicism, individualism, egalitarianism, rationalism. In this sense, it is akin to the French Reactionaries (Legitimism) and Joseph de Maistre's thinking. It is difficult to give an accurate description of Carlist thinking for several reasons:
As traditionalists, Carlists mistrusted ideology as a political driving force. Some 19th century pamphlets expressed it in this form: against a philosophical constitution (liberalism, based on ideology), a historical constitution is proposed (based on history, and the teachings of the Church). Carlism's long active history—it has been an important force for over 170 years—and the fact that it attracted a large and diverse following, makes a comprehensive categorization more difficult. There has almost never been a single school of thought inside Carlism. The ideas expressed inside Carlism were partly and openly shared with other forces on the political spectrum. The more conservative, Catholic (or Christian democratic) wings of the various nationalist and regionalist movements throughout Spain can claim an indirect influence from Carlism, particularly relating to fueros and regional self government. While Carlism and Falangism had certain similarities—social conservatism, Catholicism and anti Communism—there were also stark differences between the two movements. Most significant was the fact that whereas Falangism subscribed to a strongly centralising form of Spanish nationalism, Carlism was more supportive of the fueros, preserving local culture and regional autonomy was one of their main tenets. Carlism also supports Salic Law regarding succession, being Legitimist monarchists.

These four words (which can be translated as God, Fatherland, Local Rule, and King), have been the motto and cornerstone of Carlism throughout its existence. What Carlism understood by these was:
Dios (God): Carlism believes in the Catholic Faith as a cornerstone of Spain and must be politically active in its defence. Patria (Fatherland): Carlism is heavily patriotic, Traditionalism sees the Fatherland as the nesting of communities (municipal, regional, Spain) united under one. Fueros (similar to medieval charters): Part of the limitation of royal powers is the acknowledgement of local and regional self rule (and of other types of communities in the political body, especially the Church). Although the result of a peculiar historical development in Spain, it converged with the concept of subsidiarity in Catholic social thought. Note that some versions of the motto omit the Fueros clause. Rey (King): The concept of national sovereignty is rejected. Sovereignty is vested in the king, both legitimate in blood and in deeds. But this power is limited by the doctrine of the Church and the Laws and Usages of the Kingdom, and through a series of Councils, traditional Cortes and state independent intermediate bodies. The King must also be the Defender of the Poor and Keeper of Justice.

Carlism was a true mass movement and drew its rank and file from all social classes, with a majority of peasant and working class elements. Thus, it is no surprise that Carlism was involved in the creation of Catholic trade unions.

Cultural and political regionalism in Spain (not to be mistaken with regional nationalism or separatism) was largely Carlist originated. The influence of Carlist thinker Juan Vázquez de Mella in this field can still be traced today. One of the founders of Basque nationalism, Sabino Arana, came from a Carlist background, and for many years competed for the same audience (Basque catholics). Compare the PNV slogan "God and Fueros". Spanish Carlists with Franco battled and defeated Basque nationalists in 1936–1937. Fuerismo was a doctrine prevalent in the Basque provinces. It supported the Isabelline monarchy but wanted to preserve the Fuero autonomy of the provinces. Catholic politics are essential for Carlism. Compare the slogan Christus Rex. Victor Pradera's thinking was very influential, through the group Acción Española, in Spanish authoritarian thinking in the 1930s and 1940s. Fernando Sebastián Aguilar, Archbishop of Pamplona and Tudela (Spain) caused controversy by publicly stating on 7 May 2007 that the Traditionalist Carlist Communion, among others, is worthy of consideration and of electoral support.

Estella Lizarra was the site of the Carlist court. Bergara/Vergara was the place of the Abrazo de Vergara, which ended the First Carlist War in the North. Brigadas de Navarra were National Army units formed mainly by Requeté forces from Navarre at the start of the Spanish Civil War. They saw intensive action during the War. Detente bala ("Stop bullet!") a small patch with an image of the Sacred Heart of Jesus worn on the uniform (over the heart) by most requetés. Margaritas. Carlist women's organization. They often worked as war nurses. Ojalateros were courtiers saying Ojalá nos ataquen y ganemos ("Wish they would attack us and we won"), but doing nothing to achieve victory. The name is a pun on hojalatero ("tinkerer", "pot seller")
Requetés The armed Carlist militias. Trágala, expression marking the desire to forcibly impose the ideas most hated by the opponents. Also a Liberal fighting song (chorus: "Swallow it, you Carlist, you who don't want a Constitution. ").

The liberal Spanish journalist Mariano José de Larra opposed Carlism and published several lampoons against it. Nadie pase sin hablar al portero (1833) presents Carlists as a bunch of bandit priests. Ernest Hemingway refers to Carlism in For Whom the Bell Tolls. He mentions two fascists and says, "They were Carlists from Navarra". Francisco Navarro Villoslada was a Carlist writer that published a historic novel, Amaya o los vascos en el siglo VIII, in the fashion of Walter Scott, presenting the legendary origins of Spanish monarchy as the start of Reconquista. The Arrow of Gold by Joseph Conrad is set against the background of the third Carlist war. Ramón María del Valle Inclán, novelist, poet and playwright, was a member of the Spanish Generation of 1898. He wrote novels about Carlism and was an active Carlist himself. Pío Baroja wrote a novel, Zalacaín el aventurero (Zalacain the Adventurer), set during the Third Carlist War, and referred to Carlism in an unfavourable light in several other works. The Spanish philosopher Miguel de Unamuno suffered as a child the siege of Bilbao during the Third Carlist War. Later he wrote a novel Paz en la guerra about that time. In 1895 he wrote to Joaquín Costa about his plans for an essay on the "intrahistoric" element of rural socialism within the Carlist masses. The American conservative writer and National Review columnist, L. Brent Bozell Jr., sympathized with Carlism and Francoism and considered Spanish Catholic authoritarianism to be preferable to American democracy.